(2) But the trip was decided upon in that meeting - and nothing in the text justifies your claim that Plame gave the assignment, nor is her memo more than a statement of his bona fides. In fact, the firt half of the last sentence in your quote, the half you failed to bold, tells just that. You are repeating right-wing spin without having checked opposing claims - including Wilson's own, or these newspaper articles:

[Newsday 22 July 2003]
A senior intelligence officer confirmed that Plame was a Directorate of Operations undercover officer who worked `alongside' the operations officers who asked her husband to travel to Niger.

"But he said she did not recommend her husband to undertake the Niger assignment.  `They (the officers who did ask Wilson to check the uranium story) were aware of who she was married to, which is not surprising,' he said.  `There are people elsewhere in government who are trying to make her look like she was the one who was cooking this up, for some reason,' he said.  `I can't figure out what it could be.'

[CNN]
'She did not propose me', he [Wilson] said--others at the CIA did so. A senior CIA official said that is his understanding too.'

(3) A general point: all you bring is about how the possibility that Iraq may be willing to buy yellowcake could be maintained. This is what I call paranoid logic: you have a theory, and make up additional theories on how it could still be true with new evidence; instead of testing multiple theories with new evidence. The question is, who practised paranoid logic: the "intelligence community", or the political leadership, which only listened to those experts supporting their side. I'm inclined to believe the latter, and this is done in a bipartisan way - after all, WMD lies didn't start with the Bush government, one has but to think only of Desert Fox. At any rate, these points made by the CIA later that year imply that the intel community was less to blame:

(1) The evidence is weak. One of the two mines cited by the source as the location of the uranium oxide is flooded. The other mine cited by the source is under the control of the French authorities... (3) we have shared points one and two with Congress, telling them that the Africa story is overblown and telling them this is one of the two issues where we differed with the British.

(4) The original intel reports Wilson was sent to investigate concerned an Iraqi delegation visit in February 1999. That these discussed purchase of uranium were clearly debunked - also by what Makiya said. (And also by what other officials said - for example, one Mai Manga admitted to Wilson that Iran has sought yellowcake, but said that Iraq hasn't.)

(5) The claim that the Iraq delegation in the summer of 1999 wanted to purchase uranium isn't just merely former PM Makiya's speculation - the Senate Whitewash Report (and/or its source) grossly mis-interprets the passage, no delegation actually visited. It was merely a future visit a businessman suggested. Your claim that the bottom line of Wilson's report was the opposite of what he claimed is wildly overblown to say the least.

(6) Furthermore, there is that weasel line: did not provide substantial new information. Which only means: it confirmed earlier information.

(7) And indeed it did. You, copying right-wing spin and the MSM, also grossly misrepresent Wilson's original claim - which was not about Iraq seeking yellowcake, but actually purchasing it:

[New York Times op-ed]
I spent the next eight days drinking sweet mint tea and meeting with dozens of people: current government officials, former government officials, people associated with the country's uranium business. It did not take long to conclude that it was highly doubtful that any such transaction had ever taken place.

Given the structure of the consortiums that operated the mines, it would be exceedingly difficult for Niger to transfer uranium to Iraq. Niger's uranium business consists of two mines, Somair and Cominak, which are run by French, Spanish, Japanese, German and Nigerian interests. If the government wanted to remove uranium from a mine, it would have to notify the consortium, which in turn is strictly monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Moreover, because the two mines are closely regulated, quasi-governmental entities, selling uranium would require the approval of the minister of mines, the prime minister and probably the president. In short, there's simply too much oversight over too small an industry for a sale to have transpired.

[Meet the Press]
I assumed that they were talking about one of the other countries and not Niger since we had, I believed, at the time effectively debunked the Niger arms uranium sale.

(8) Notice that "we" in the last quote. The part you Wilson-haters always forget that Wilson wasn't the only one who made a trip and concluded that the yellowcake is safe. Admiral Fulford, dispatched to warn the Nigerians about al-Qaida seeking Uranium, reached the same conclusion. Suggested reading is this  TNR article, which also points out that Fulford didn't heard about the Iraq link, even tough by his position he should have if it was important.

Your only point that remains is Wilson's messing up on the forgeries, which frankly I don't see as serious an error as you. We don't actually know Wilson's actual words - this was in an article that was only yet anonymously paraphrasing Wilson.

_{*Lunatic*, n.
One whose delusions are out of fashion.}