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Some commentators  (who usually talk about events using the kind of timeline laid out by the BBC) view the ethnic and religious divisions as almost secondary to the breakdown of the civil structure.

Particularly, they suggest that whilst "le Vieux" did eventually take part in an election, democracy was given no true root in the country. Power resided with factions, who derived their power from the dictator. Once "le Vieux" disappeared from the scene, these factions struggled to become the new dictator. They used ethnic and religious issues to strengthen support in their power bases, but the military struggle was all about "who will become the next Arch-Supreme-Generalissimo?"

In this view, "le Vieux" either died too soon after introducing democracy (or waited too long to introduce it) and thus didn't have the chance to really replace the old autocratic structures with democratic ones. Thus, after his death, the country descended into a war for autocratic power.

Basically, my two comments should have been one. They represent two of the main meta-narratives floating around about what happened.

Do you have, from your experiences, a view on what mix of the two approaches the reality in Cote D'Ivoire?

And do you see any signs of hope at the moment?

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Sun Jan 15th, 2006 at 04:42:06 AM EST
Yes, because the race/ethic/nationality card was brought in, IIRC, as early as 1993 to keep Ouattara out of the presidential race, by branding him as a foreigner as he has another nationality (and the fact that he was a senior guy at the IMF was also used to brand him an "Américain", back when it was a worse insult than "French" today - the concept of each of the two countries is used to fight the other one nowadays).

In the long run, we're all dead. John Maynard Keynes
by Jerome a Paris (jeromeguillet@yahoo.fr) on Sun Jan 15th, 2006 at 05:59:24 AM EST
[ Parent ]
My view is that we Westerners have analytical patterns that are too simplistic to embrace the complexity of what is going on in Africa, hence our failure both to alleviate poverty and to have machine guns put to rest.

Once the fight for power was on, any argument to keep an opponent out of the race was valid : Robert Guei had Alassane Ouattara banned from the presidential election because of his being Burkinabais (from neighbouring Burkina Fasso) and Henri Konan Bedié wanted him out because he was a Muslim.

Being French or American is equally alien and the difference does not matter that much ; being from Burkina Fasso or Liberia is worse, by far. Laurent Gbagbo's efforts to promote the concept of pure Ivorian parentage is an evidence for that.

When through hell, just keep going. W. Churchill

by Agnes a Paris on Mon Jan 16th, 2006 at 05:01:19 AM EST
[ Parent ]
A question: is Ouattara Burkinabais because he was really born there, because he has parents there, or because he gained passport as a dissident there? (The first seems his detractors' claim, but I read the last somewhere about two years ago - but I'd consider you more of an authority than either of my earlier sources.)

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.
by DoDo on Wed Jan 18th, 2006 at 03:27:40 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I will double check this. What his detractors also said is that he could not run for President as his parents were not both born on the "Ivorian" territory.

When through hell, just keep going. W. Churchill
by Agnes a Paris on Wed Jan 18th, 2006 at 04:58:13 PM EST
[ Parent ]
whilst "le Vieux" did eventually take part in an election, democracy was given no true root in the country. Power resided with factions, who derived their power from the dictator. Once "le Vieux" disappeared from the scene, these factions struggled to become the new dictator. They used ethnic and religious issues to strengthen support in their power bases, but the military struggle was all about "who will become the next Arch-Supreme-Generalissimo?"
This analysis seems to make pretty much sense.

Houphouet had a very acute political sense and many witnesses and people close to him admitted "free elections" were his last attempt to remain in the forefront and give the appearance he still had the lead. He was already undergoing strong criticism on the grounds of fund misappropriation and outrageous personal wealth whereas the country was undergoing an economic plight. He was also considered too old to rule the country and put it back on the track to  prosperity. Indeed, his date of birth was not public knowledge but in 1990 he must have been at least 85.
One key factor in the disruption of civil status quo between the local, the immigrant and the French expatriate populations certainly was the economic slump.


When through hell, just keep going. W. Churchill

by Agnes a Paris on Sun Jan 15th, 2006 at 12:31:28 PM EST
[ Parent ]
That description actually sounds a good bit like Iraq, except the guy who kept the thing going in Iraq was a total bastard, while in the Cote d'Ivoire, he was more of a King Hussein type. However, if one things back to pre-Saddam Baath Iraq, the analogy holds up well. Remember that the Baath Party was not a dirty word in much of Iraq in the 1970s, when the country experienced a sort of "golden age." (if you read Shadid's excellent account)
by Ben P (wbp@u.washington.edu) on Wed Jan 18th, 2006 at 11:33:15 PM EST
[ Parent ]

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