Bangkok was braced for another night of unrest tonight despite the declaration of a state of emergency after one man was shot dead and scores were injured in street battles between supporters and opponents of the Thai prime minister, Samak Sundaravej. The emergency decree came at the climax of a week of increasing instability in the Thai capital where opponents of Mr Samak are trying to force him from power. But the commander of the army insisted that he would not use force to remove thousands of demonstrators who have taken over the prime minister's compound in a brazen display of anti-government disobedience. The Foreign Office warned British travellers to Thailand of likely disruption at airports and on railways, as trades unions promised to strike today in solidarity with the protesters
Bangkok was braced for another night of unrest tonight despite the declaration of a state of emergency after one man was shot dead and scores were injured in street battles between supporters and opponents of the Thai prime minister, Samak Sundaravej.
The emergency decree came at the climax of a week of increasing instability in the Thai capital where opponents of Mr Samak are trying to force him from power. But the commander of the army insisted that he would not use force to remove thousands of demonstrators who have taken over the prime minister's compound in a brazen display of anti-government disobedience.
The Foreign Office warned British travellers to Thailand of likely disruption at airports and on railways, as trades unions promised to strike today in solidarity with the protesters
Protests in Bangkok are dominated by the baleful influence of the ex-PM, now holed up in Surrey When the first fatality occurred in the clashes between rival "pro-democratic" forces in Bangkok early yesterday morning, people were shocked but not exactly surprised. Pressure had been building for more than three months, as yellow-shirted protesters styling themselves as the People's Alliance for Democracy appropriated royalist colours and nationalist language to oppose the government of prime minister Samak Sundaravej and his People Power Party (PPP). Late last year, Samak proclaimed himself a nominee of the party's mentor and financier, the former PM and now ex-Manchester City owner Thaksin Shinawatra. Although he was ousted in a military coup in 2006, Thaksin's five-year premiership has cast a long shadow over Thai politics. As the first recent PM to threaten the symbolic dominance of the monarchy, he remains a controversial figure. He was supported initially by two main groups: elements of the middle class and the business community, many of Sino-Thai descent; and rural voters from the populous north and northeast. Both groups, who were exasperated by the bureaucratic and military establishment, saw in the billionaire telecoms tycoon someone who could restore national pride after the 1997 Asian economic crisis. A former policeman fond of swift action and populist mobilisation, Thaksin threatened the core elite - monarchists who occupy key formal and informal positions in the country.
When the first fatality occurred in the clashes between rival "pro-democratic" forces in Bangkok early yesterday morning, people were shocked but not exactly surprised. Pressure had been building for more than three months, as yellow-shirted protesters styling themselves as the People's Alliance for Democracy appropriated royalist colours and nationalist language to oppose the government of prime minister Samak Sundaravej and his People Power Party (PPP). Late last year, Samak proclaimed himself a nominee of the party's mentor and financier, the former PM and now ex-Manchester City owner Thaksin Shinawatra.
Although he was ousted in a military coup in 2006, Thaksin's five-year premiership has cast a long shadow over Thai politics. As the first recent PM to threaten the symbolic dominance of the monarchy, he remains a controversial figure. He was supported initially by two main groups: elements of the middle class and the business community, many of Sino-Thai descent; and rural voters from the populous north and northeast. Both groups, who were exasperated by the bureaucratic and military establishment, saw in the billionaire telecoms tycoon someone who could restore national pride after the 1997 Asian economic crisis. A former policeman fond of swift action and populist mobilisation, Thaksin threatened the core elite - monarchists who occupy key formal and informal positions in the country.
The book [...] suggestsHe could ultimately face 1992-style protests that would make his premiership completely untenable. Such protests could occur if Thaksin becomes profoundly alienated from the urban electorate, who are numerically small but of immense political significance. This is the most dangerous of the four scenarios, in which the possibility of serious violence would be extremely real
He could ultimately face 1992-style protests that would make his premiership completely untenable. Such protests could occur if Thaksin becomes profoundly alienated from the urban electorate, who are numerically small but of immense political significance. This is the most dangerous of the four scenarios, in which the possibility of serious violence would be extremely real
