This combination of long-term reforms and an immediate crisis reminds me of the last global financial meltdown I watched Summers, then deputy secretary of the Treasury, help navigate. It was 1998, the year of Asian contagion and Russia's default and devaluation. Emerging market veterans of that crash have taken a certain bitter pleasure in pointing out that this time their former rescuer and scold - the United States - is at the centre of the world's crisis, and in observing that Americans seem markedly less keen on their own unpalatable medicine now that they are the patient."I don't think I would quite accept the characterisation that we're in the position that the Russians were in in 1998," Summers says when I draw the comparison. "The crises that we addressed during the 1990s internationally, in almost every case, took the form of a foreign lack of confidence in a country that led to a mass withdrawal of funds and made reassuring foreigners the central priority. That's why interest rates often had to be increased. The American problem this time has more in common, at least qualitatively, with the Japanese post-bubble problem, where the issue was not reassuring foreigners but maintaining sufficient domestic demand to push the economy forward."He does, however, concede that fire-fighting feels different when it is your own home that is alight: "There have been moments, certainly, when I understood better some of the reactions of officials in crisis countries now than one was able to from the outside at the time. It is easier to be for more radical solutions when one lives thousands of miles away than when it is one's own country." (...) This new American economy, Summers hopes, will be "more export-oriented" and "less consumption-oriented"; "more environmentally oriented" and "less energy-production-oriented"; "more bio- and software- and civil-engineering-oriented and less financial-engineering-oriented"; and, finally, "more middle-class-oriented" and "less oriented to income growth that is disproportionate towards a very small share of the population". Unlike many other economists, Summers does not believe that lower growth is the inevitable price of this economic paradigm shift.
This combination of long-term reforms and an immediate crisis reminds me of the last global financial meltdown I watched Summers, then deputy secretary of the Treasury, help navigate. It was 1998, the year of Asian contagion and Russia's default and devaluation. Emerging market veterans of that crash have taken a certain bitter pleasure in pointing out that this time their former rescuer and scold - the United States - is at the centre of the world's crisis, and in observing that Americans seem markedly less keen on their own unpalatable medicine now that they are the patient.
"I don't think I would quite accept the characterisation that we're in the position that the Russians were in in 1998," Summers says when I draw the comparison. "The crises that we addressed during the 1990s internationally, in almost every case, took the form of a foreign lack of confidence in a country that led to a mass withdrawal of funds and made reassuring foreigners the central priority. That's why interest rates often had to be increased. The American problem this time has more in common, at least qualitatively, with the Japanese post-bubble problem, where the issue was not reassuring foreigners but maintaining sufficient domestic demand to push the economy forward."
He does, however, concede that fire-fighting feels different when it is your own home that is alight: "There have been moments, certainly, when I understood better some of the reactions of officials in crisis countries now than one was able to from the outside at the time. It is easier to be for more radical solutions when one lives thousands of miles away than when it is one's own country." (...) This new American economy, Summers hopes, will be "more export-oriented" and "less consumption-oriented"; "more environmentally oriented" and "less energy-production-oriented"; "more bio- and software- and civil-engineering-oriented and less financial-engineering-oriented"; and, finally, "more middle-class-oriented" and "less oriented to income growth that is disproportionate towards a very small share of the population". Unlike many other economists, Summers does not believe that lower growth is the inevitable price of this economic paradigm shift.
This new American economy, Summers hopes, will be "more export-oriented" and "less consumption-oriented"; "more environmentally oriented" and "less energy-production-oriented"; "more bio- and software- and civil-engineering-oriented and less financial-engineering-oriented"; and, finally, "more middle-class-oriented" and "less oriented to income growth that is disproportionate towards a very small share of the population". Unlike many other economists, Summers does not believe that lower growth is the inevitable price of this economic paradigm shift.
how does that last sentence fit with the rest of that paragraph ? keep to the Fen Causeway