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You're very fond of calling other people "nationalistic". Reading your commentary - and your apparently instinctive bristling whenever "Germany" is criticised - it might seem to a reader that you're projecting a little.
Look, I don't reduce everybody who dissents to a representative of his country or party.
And I don' think the roots of every economic problem in this world are in just one country. And I would be unhappy with permanent bashing of say the US too.
Do you really think our world can explained or hopefully changed by tracing every problem to a small circle in Frankfurt?
The dominant one: The crisis is caused by government deficits and must be solved by reducing government spending and raising taxes on the poor. Main problem is feckless poors and southerners.
IM's alternative: The crisis is caused by government deficits and must be solved by raising taxes on the rich.
Jake's & Mig's alternative: The crisis is caused by EMU rules limiting government deficits and must be solved institutional reform to allow deficit spending.
Please correct me if I am wrong when stating the positions, but if I am right paiting either side as collaborating with the right-wing narrative in one is unhelpful. A vote for PES is a vote for EPP! A vote for EPP is a vote for PES! Support the coalition, vote EPP-PES in 2009!
There are two distinct but related problems. The first is that the EU as currently constituted lacks an investor of last resort. The second is that it lacks any means to ensure that internal current accounts imbalances do not become a political problem.
There is a variety of possible reforms that would solve these problems. A European treasury not subject to silly "debt brakes" would solve both problems, but may be politically unpalatable. Repealing the GSP and Art. 123 would solve the investor of last resort problem, but not (necessarily) the current accounts imbalances. A Bancor-type arrangement would solve the internal current accounts problem (or rather, signify political acceptance of the existence of otherwise unsustainable imbalances), but would not solve the problem that the GSP circumscribes the states' ability to perform investor of last resort functions.
Finally, the physical economy of Europe (in particular the periphery) has the problem that thirty years of neoliberal brain rot (twenty in the case of Eastern Europe, but with much weaker countervailing pressures) have rendered large swathes of Europe into a wasteland, industrially speaking.
- Jake If you only spend 20 minutes of the rest of your life on economics, go spend them here.
Bingo. Ever since I learnt about confirmation bias I've started seeing it everywhere
Of course, absent neoliberal brain rot, nobody would have thought that a currency union could work without fiscal integration.
the -Mark, as currently constituted, would not be viable.
It doesn't matter if the debts are measured in Euros, DMs, Pesos, or the soon to be offered New Mexico Tamale. If the people who owe the money can't make money to pay it off, they don't have the money to pay it off, thus, they can't pay it off.
Maybe I'm the dumbest m/f'er on the planet, but this seems Real Simple. To me. Ever since I learnt about confirmation bias I've started seeing it everywhere
Well yes. If you define all other economists, including Bofinger or Krugman as cargo-cultists, leaving only the members of your sect as economists, then you have majority.
That is a quite apt description of what the neoclassicals have been doing.
Incidentally, I never claimed that I had a majority on the issue of whether subsidising private bondholders reduced inflation. I claimed that I was right as a matter of fact.
Furthermore you seem to confuse the national asset stock with the national debt,
Uh, no. What I said is that the quote-unquote "national debt" is the monetary base. If you eliminate the "national debt," you eliminate all state money in the economy. And that would be bad.
monetary growth with a deficit,
The two are the same.
In this cause a balanced budget over the cycle would indeed be wrong, but I don't share your assumptions
Those are not my assumptions, they are how fiat currencies work. Go check the Bank of International Settlements Working Paper 292, p. 19-21 if you don't want to take my word for it.
You don't think that the fact that central banks do not create new money - they merely exchange existing money for other forms of money with different term structures - has any bearing on the ability of the central bank to compensate for a total withdrawal of all sovereign money creation?
Did you understand anything in that paper?
They may create fiat currency either in paper or virtual (QE) form opaquely as de facto and unacknowledged agents of Treasuries, but they still do so. "The future is already here -- it's just not very evenly distributed" William Gibson
Of course they do it anyway, but that's because they're busy usurping Treasury functions.
By the same token, under scheme 2, an expansion of reserves in excess of any requirement does not give banks more resources to expand lending. It only changes the composition of liquid assets of the banking system. Given the very high substitutability between bank reserves and other government assets held for liquidity purposes, the impact can be marginal at best. This is true in both normal and also in stress conditions. Importantly, excess reserves do not represent idle resources nor should they be viewed as somehow undesired by banks (again, recall that our notion of excess refers to holdings above minimum requirements). When the opportunity cost of excess reserves is zero, either because they are remunerated at the policy rate or the latter reaches the zero lower bound, they simply represent a form of liquid asset for banks.
This paragraph says two things. The first thing it says is that everything Bofinger thinks he knows about banks, banking and money is wrong.
The second, and for the purposes of our discussion, more important, is that the amount of base money in the system is irrelevant to the amount of bank lending, because the central bank always has the option to remunerate excess reserves at the policy rate, or extend rediscount facilities to banks that fail to meet liquidity requirements.
In other words, bank lending is equity constrained, not liquidity constrained. And since the central bank can not provide new equity (unless it is prepared to take equity risk onto its books, something you generally do not want your central bank to do, for a whole host of excellent reasons), the central bank can not affect the volume of lending, except by tightening and relaxing solvency requirements (something you definitely do not want to do).
Absent cash-for-trash programmes by central banks, private sector equity can come from precisely three places, as a matter of simple accounting identity: Private sector physical investment in excess of physical deterioration of the capital plant. A net foreign surplus. And government deficit spending.
Now, unless you wish to postulate that every country can run a foreign surplus (in which case you may want to look into repealing the rules of addition and subtraction), this means that sustainable private sector equity increases are equal to net expansion of capital plant plus sovereign deficit. Give or take maybe half a percent of the GDP of the countries you trade with, as a maximum sustainable trade imbalance.
Running a balanced budget, a responsible central bank rediscount policy, and balanced foreign accounts means that, asymptotically, the private sector's net financial position is zero. That is, the private sector will be unable to save up any high powered money in excess of whatever debt other parts of the private sector may owe the sovereign at any given time.
Why, precisely, is that a good thing?
Absent persistent fiscal deficits and unsustainable foreign positions, the private sector will still have equity (Robinson Crusoe can still stockpile coconuts). It just won't have any net financial position (Robinson Crusoe can't stockpile pound sterling).
Since the private sector usually wants to stockpile financial assets (particularly sovereign financial assets), to provide a cushion against future expenses in the only asset class that is guaranteed by law to cover certain types of expenses, not allowing it to obtain a net financial position is usually Bad.
But Krugman is an orthodox economist ~ the New Keynesians add some wrinkles to allow scope for active intervention "in the short run", but once the short run stickness has worked itself out, its the same basic model.
If that long run model is excluded, then all of its users are excluded in terms of their conclusions drawn from that model, irrespective of how much we may like their political views and their views of things when they do not rely on the falsified mainstream model.
And excluding that single model clearly does not limit the balance to a single model. There are a range of post keynesians, institutionalists, structuralists, a selection among radical political economists, general systems economics, and a number of other approaches not excluded by ruling out the repeatedly falsified long term model of the mainstream as being non-scientific due to its adherence to a repeatedly falsified long run model. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
The rest of us may not find that fact quite so fortunate, but that's hardly Krugman's fault.
The MMT'ers are right when they talk about the financial side of things. But I find that they sometimes get so caught up in debunking financial BS that they pay too little attention to the needs of the physical economy.
In particular, a few of them argue that the US' foreign balance is of no particular concern since its import costs are all denominated in US$. I disagree with that position, because the US' foreign balance position means that if other people start demanding hard currency for their stuff, they risk cutting off the flow of goods and services on which the American society depends to be in a state of not-revolution. Since I rather like my society to be in a state of not-revolution, and since I assume that this disposition is shared by most well-fed, reasonably affluent people, knowing that my society's continued being in a state of not-revolution depended on the largess of foreign powers with possibly divergent geopolitical interests...
... would not improve the quality of my sleep.
Which is true as far as it goes, and that is what you want from a theory on an aspect of the economy. After all, the problem with the underlying theory that Krugman uses is that its a closed model independent of money, and so the premise that money is neutral over the long term is built into the underlying logic of the model, entirely immune to falsification by empirical evidence. Grand Theory of Everything economic models have to date ended up being Grand Theory of Nothing In Particular models, running on false equivalences between the terms of the model and the actual phenomena observed in the real world. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
Of course, I realise that he's busy debunking sky-is-gonna-fall scaremongering about the dollar collapsing due to the sovereign deficit - which is entirely the wrong sort of deficit to cause a dollar collapse. So perhaps it is simply that he does not want to open himself to "gotcha" games by quote miners.
In the latter case, you are talking about 2/3 of US petroleum supply no longer arriving, except on barter terms or by diverting funds from exports that have earned hard currency. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
Which couldn't possibly cause riots.
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