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The EU has confirmed that Europe's highest court will rule on the legality of the controversial anti-counterfeiting trade agreement (Acta).European trade commissioner Karel De Gucht said on Tuesday that the European court of justice would be asked to assess whether Acta "is incompatible - in any way - with the EU's fundamental rights and freedoms".This will include freedom of expression, data protection and the right to property in case of intellectual property, he said.Supporters argue that the agreement will help tackle piracy and illegal file sharing online, but there have been public demonstrations across Europe amid concerns over freedom of information on the internet.Parliament's rapporteur on Acta, British MEP David Martin, welcomed the decision, describing it as an admission by De Gucht that "there are still many question marks about Acta and what the implementation of the agreement, as it stands, would mean for citizens and for the freedom of the internet".
A conference in Brussels was told that many companies 'don't help themselves' when it comes to combating piracy and counterfeiting.The two-day conference, organised by the European commission, heard that 'financial incentives' could be offered to enterprises to help them deal with the growing problem of fake goods.A scheme, piloted in Italy, was cited as an example of 'best practice' in tackling counterfeiting and also raising public awareness of the problem.The initiative cited at the conference on Tuesday has been piloted by the Italian intellectual property office.Gianluca Scarponi, representing the organisation, said, "What happens is that we make them an offer they can't refuse use the capital generated from applications for patents and designs and, basically, give it back to enterprises."
We apologize... normal service resumed asap etc...
we use the capital generated from applications for patents and designs and, basically, give it back to enterprises.
Despite plenty of transatlantic tensions over the eurozone debt crisis, US President Barack Obama phoned German Chancellor Angela Merkel to congratulate her on concluding a new Greek bailout deal. The White House said late Tuesday that "the president thanked the chancellor for her leadership and welcomed last night's agreement in Europe on a new rescue programme for Greece to help reduce its debt to sustainable levels." "The president and chancellor agreed that the planned EU fiscal pact, recent actions by the European Central Bank and reforms by Spain and Italy have also been positive steps in addressing the eurozone crisis," White House spokesman Jay Carney added. But back home the reaction to the new 130 billion Greek bailout deal, agreed by the eurozone's finance ministers Tuesday morning, has been less friendly. Prominent Merkel-ally Wolfgang Bosbach, deputy parliamentary leader in the chancellor's Christian Democratic Union, has already announced that he would not vote for the new package. "We're marching with great strides towards a union of liability, and we're burdening future generations with risks that I find unjustifiable," he told the Passauer Neue Presse.
Despite plenty of transatlantic tensions over the eurozone debt crisis, US President Barack Obama phoned German Chancellor Angela Merkel to congratulate her on concluding a new Greek bailout deal.
The White House said late Tuesday that "the president thanked the chancellor for her leadership and welcomed last night's agreement in Europe on a new rescue programme for Greece to help reduce its debt to sustainable levels." "The president and chancellor agreed that the planned EU fiscal pact, recent actions by the European Central Bank and reforms by Spain and Italy have also been positive steps in addressing the eurozone crisis," White House spokesman Jay Carney added. But back home the reaction to the new 130 billion Greek bailout deal, agreed by the eurozone's finance ministers Tuesday morning, has been less friendly. Prominent Merkel-ally Wolfgang Bosbach, deputy parliamentary leader in the chancellor's Christian Democratic Union, has already announced that he would not vote for the new package. "We're marching with great strides towards a union of liability, and we're burdening future generations with risks that I find unjustifiable," he told the Passauer Neue Presse.
The truth is no one really believes in this illusory firewall which sacrifices intellect on the altar of imagination. If they did, the European Union would not have decided to grant yet another colossal loan to Greece on 21 February, and there would be no talk of a new federal EU architecture, with nation states handing over more sovereignty to a European government. Progress has been slow, no one has tackled the crux of the problem (the issue of the EU resources required to conduct an effective investment programme). At times you could be forgiven for thinking that the governments of "major" countries are waiting for Greece to go bankrupt before building the Union they want to construct. This is the thesis advanced by economist Kenneth Rogoff, in an interview with Spiegel: once Athens has been expelled from the union, the impetus of the crisis can be used to accelerate the construction of a United States of Europe. But can a new union be built on the ashes of Greece? And what kind of union would we have had without the pressure of the Greek crisis?
The truth is no one really believes in this illusory firewall which sacrifices intellect on the altar of imagination. If they did, the European Union would not have decided to grant yet another colossal loan to Greece on 21 February, and there would be no talk of a new federal EU architecture, with nation states handing over more sovereignty to a European government. Progress has been slow, no one has tackled the crux of the problem (the issue of the EU resources required to conduct an effective investment programme).
At times you could be forgiven for thinking that the governments of "major" countries are waiting for Greece to go bankrupt before building the Union they want to construct. This is the thesis advanced by economist Kenneth Rogoff, in an interview with Spiegel: once Athens has been expelled from the union, the impetus of the crisis can be used to accelerate the construction of a United States of Europe. But can a new union be built on the ashes of Greece? And what kind of union would we have had without the pressure of the Greek crisis?
Sigh.
Oh, and engaging Germany in a war like the US war in Korea in 1950 wouldn't be a bad thing either, since the war drive would increase German demand for periphery products. tens of millions of people stand to see their lives ruined because the bureaucrats at the ECB don't understand introductory economics -- Dean Baker
The other way is the transfer union. I don't believe in a third option. Even Swabian housewives get sooner or later that breaking up Europe would be even nastier. It will be too late and too little and I have no doubts as to who exactly will have to pay for it, but it will come, because it must.
All that requires is admitting that the Euro was a bad idea from the get-go.
- Jake If you only spend 20 minutes of the rest of your life on economics, go spend them here.
So bad, in fact, that you can pretty much use it as a rule for how to set up currency unions: Do everything the opposite: Put the limits on state surpluses instead of deficits, put the limits on current account rather than sovereign balances, have parliament control the central bank instead of the other way around. And so on and so forth and etcetera.
Oh, you meant "orderly" as in "in ways that will not cause systemic insolvencies?"
Three years and a lot of euros late for that.
It would lead to two currency blocks, and in between would be France.
Unless Germany - and by Germany I mean the BundesBank - decides to unconditionally support French membership of the common currency with the full power of the ECB's printing press, France will drop out of the Euro no more than five years after Greece does.
Given the crop of nutcases currently staffing the BuBa, I would not place any expensive bets on that proposition.
I really don't think we need more centrifugal force in the EU.
I find it difficult to imagine that it would be a greater source of centrifugal force for Europe that Eurozone members strategically default and devaluate than it would be to continue to subject them to the whims of the insane asylum that passes for a central bank in the Eurozone.
Well, The Bundesbank did exactly that in 1992/3. The buck stopped with France.
But it's not clear they would do it now. The only reason would be that Germany needs France as the useful idiot in the strong currency zone in order to have any chance of convincing the rest thet the strong currency zone is a necessary feature of the EU. tens of millions of people stand to see their lives ruined because the bureaucrats at the ECB don't understand introductory economics -- Dean Baker
I mean, if Greece agreed to subject itself to two years of high-grade IMF treatment rather than default two years ago it was in order to avoid hard feelings. Also, apparently to take Barroso and Bini Smaghi's words at face value, in order to preserve democracy in Greece. See how well that's worked.
2. You mean the current policy path doesn't lead to two currency blocks (or a much diminished Euro bloc serially shedding members) with France a borderline case?
I believe you missed the evolution in real time of my Euro crisis scorecard. We had been predicting an endgame with a small core Euro and France on the boundary for a long time before France fell off the core last August. tens of millions of people stand to see their lives ruined because the bureaucrats at the ECB don't understand introductory economics -- Dean Baker
If it's pushed to the point where blood starts flowing in the streets of Athens, we'll be struggling to keep the Union alive, nevermind the Euro.
if the other half (fiscal union) had come first, or at least simultaneously, it would have had a chance to resist world market attacks, as is, it's a pacifist at a massacre.
it was rankly stupid 'blue sky' optimism to think that we could have one sans the other, and now it's a lead zeppelin, because it was symbolic union, not real, as it would have been if both parts had been legislated.
whether this was opportunism or a giant duh will maybe come clearer as wonks wonk out the details, mostly of the cui bono variety! The power of knowledge is in mortal combat with the knowledge of power. It really is that simple... That's the Edenic apple we are all munching on.
An area with "no fiscal transfers" is an area with trade balances.
As a `coalition of the unwilling' meets in Moscow to debate retaliatory measures against the EU's inclusion of airlines in the Emissions Trading System (ETS), a senior Airbus executive has warned of a `trade war'. "Certain countries are opposing ETS which could cause manufacturing industries problems in terms of future orders and you can see the potential for a trade war, specifically with the Chinese," said Paul Nash, head of environmental affairs for Airbus. "We're obviously concerned because the big growth industries today are Asia and South America so it could certainly impact us," he told EurActiv. But industry opinions are divided between short-haul companies that may charge customers as little as 30 cents a flight to compensate for carbon charges and long-haul carriers, which the EU says may pass on ticket price hikes of between 2 and 12, despite one US government-funded report predicting a potential 2 billion windfall from the ETS for airlines. "We rather regret the turn this [Moscow meeting] is taking because there are moves within the International Civil Air Organisation to find alternative market-based mechanisms," said John Hanlon, the secretary-general of the European Low Fares Airline Association. "My understanding is that the Commission would be prepared to amend their legislation providing these alternatives achieved the same carbon reductions," he added. "The noises offstage are unwelcome and obstructive to that process."
As a `coalition of the unwilling' meets in Moscow to debate retaliatory measures against the EU's inclusion of airlines in the Emissions Trading System (ETS), a senior Airbus executive has warned of a `trade war'.
"Certain countries are opposing ETS which could cause manufacturing industries problems in terms of future orders and you can see the potential for a trade war, specifically with the Chinese," said Paul Nash, head of environmental affairs for Airbus.
"We're obviously concerned because the big growth industries today are Asia and South America so it could certainly impact us," he told EurActiv.
But industry opinions are divided between short-haul companies that may charge customers as little as 30 cents a flight to compensate for carbon charges and long-haul carriers, which the EU says may pass on ticket price hikes of between 2 and 12, despite one US government-funded report predicting a potential 2 billion windfall from the ETS for airlines.
"We rather regret the turn this [Moscow meeting] is taking because there are moves within the International Civil Air Organisation to find alternative market-based mechanisms," said John Hanlon, the secretary-general of the European Low Fares Airline Association.
"My understanding is that the Commission would be prepared to amend their legislation providing these alternatives achieved the same carbon reductions," he added. "The noises offstage are unwelcome and obstructive to that process."
Berlin says it does not want to discuss the merger of EFSF funds and the ESM; Angela Merkel does not want any complications that might get in the way of the Bundestag's approval of the Greek programme; there is no likelihood now of a summit agreement on an EFSF/ESM merger, but Germany remains willing to talk abou this later in March;the Dutch have changed position, and now support the merger; Agustin Carstens calls for more rescue efforts, as a pre-condition for more IMF help;says a merger of EFSF and ESM would not be enough; CACs are approved by Greek parliamentary committee, and to be voted on by the full parliament later today; Antonis Samaris invites outsted MPs back in if they support reform programme; the Dutch finance minister expressed doubts about the Greek progamme; Clive Crook argues that the Greek deal will not stop the confidence crisis; Germany's tax revenues slow considerably in December; Werner Mussler says France will be the litmus test of the new EU budget rules; Wolfgang Proissl calls on Draghi and Weidman to repeat a Trichet-Weber type confrontation; Nomura explains the broken monetary transmission channel; a BIS study establishes a Reinhart-Rogoff type debt rule for the private sector; Wolfgang Munchau says it is ultimately not in Germany's interest to run excessive and persistent trade surpluses; Sebastian Dullien and Ulrike Guerot argue that the Germans are digging in over austerity, and the best way to coopt Germany is to advocate EU-level investment programmes, and a shift in taxation power to Brussels.
Huh?
Proissl calls on Weidmann and Draghi to avoid a remake of the Weber-Trichet-confrontation Commenting in Financial Times Deutschland Wolfgang Proissl calls upon Jens Weidmann and Mario Draghi to work on avoiding another damaging confrontation as their predecessors Axel Weber and Jean-Claude Trichet had had. Proissl argues that the initially good relations between the presidents of the Bundesbank and the ECB risk turning sour because of a series of policy decisions the ECB has recently taken against the Weidmann's will. Among them are the second surprise interest rate cut in December, the extremely generous conditions of the 3yLTRO's, the imposition of a senior creditor status of the eurosystem for its Greek bonds and the attempts to earmark future profits from Greek bonds for governments so they can pass the money on to Greece. Weidmann has started to come out publicly against those decisions thus risking to put the Bundesbank back into the dissident role unable to form coalitions as was the case under Weber. Proissl calls on both central bankers to work out a mature relationship because working against each other damages the euro and the prospect for both to be successful on their respective jobs.
Commenting in Financial Times Deutschland Wolfgang Proissl calls upon Jens Weidmann and Mario Draghi to work on avoiding another damaging confrontation as their predecessors Axel Weber and Jean-Claude Trichet had had. Proissl argues that the initially good relations between the presidents of the Bundesbank and the ECB risk turning sour because of a series of policy decisions the ECB has recently taken against the Weidmann's will. Among them are the second surprise interest rate cut in December, the extremely generous conditions of the 3yLTRO's, the imposition of a senior creditor status of the eurosystem for its Greek bonds and the attempts to earmark future profits from Greek bonds for governments so they can pass the money on to Greece. Weidmann has started to come out publicly against those decisions thus risking to put the Bundesbank back into the dissident role unable to form coalitions as was the case under Weber. Proissl calls on both central bankers to work out a mature relationship because working against each other damages the euro and the prospect for both to be successful on their respective jobs.
... Who knew? The fact is that what we're experiencing right now is a top-down disaster. -Paul Krugman
Saner, then.
>Proissl calls on both central bankers to work out a mature relationship because working against each other damages the euro and the prospect for both to be successful on their respective jobs.<
That ha nothing to do with a mature or immature relationship or any personal relationship, but with a genuine policy conflict.
As you know there are some presidents of regional federal reserve banks who disagree with Bernake on policy being more "hawkish". That still doesn't change the status of these federal reserve banksa as mere branches of the fed.
It remains to be seen whether Draghi will display similarly astute analysis and slap Weidman down for being a dangerous idiot. Though we may not get to see the answer for ourselves because, unlike the BuBa, Draghi seems to actually respect the confidentiality of ECB deliberations (that the BuBa demanded back when the ECB was formed).
Dragi and Bernanke deal both with equals and Bernanke can't just order any dissident on the Federal Open Market Committee to change their votes: and he can't order them to shut up either: the hawks like to go to the press.
So the relationship is just the same: Bernanke and Draghi both must gain a majority on in one case the governing council, in the other case the open market committee.
So yes, the bundesbank is quite like the federal bank of philadelphia.
But apparently It's OK When You're The BundesBank.
At this point, I'm seriously supporting a blanket financial sector berufsverbot for anybody who's ever been employed at a position of trust with the Bundesbank. That institution is rotten to the core and needs to be purged.
That is rather the problem. As, as Jake points out, that is an open breach of collegiality which generally only Bundesbank officials engage in. tens of millions of people stand to see their lives ruined because the bureaucrats at the ECB don't understand introductory economics -- Dean Baker
Generally speaking the Bundesbank was modeled after the federal structure of the fed and the ECB on the Bundesbank. Only more so.
The BuBa is behaving like the New York Fed did prior to the New Deal. In case anybody is wondering, that's, eh, not high praise.
That makes the BuBa wankery carry a certain weight among those who want the Euro to keep living, because they will need to appease the wankers in question if that is to happen.
So you want to argue now that the heads of the regional feds do have the right to go the public on their opinion of monetary policies opinion but the heads of the euro system member banks don't? That the ECB is actually more centralized then the Fed?
And that they're the most prolific violators of.
Does it make sense? No, arguably not. But the BuBa stopped making sense back in the mid-1920s when it swallowed the Austrian koolaid, so "it makes no fucking sense" is not in any way in contradiction of "the BuBa insisted on it."
Now that is a new interpretation.
And while there does exist a rule about confidentiality of meetings, you seem to turn this rule into a gneral gag rule for central bank presidents. I don't think that is right.
What I said was that the Bundesbank has been insane ever since Schacht. That does not imply any endorsement of its pre-Schacht behaviour above and beyond the endorsement generally implied by noting that someone does not need to be committed to a mental institution.
I don't know if the method he used after 1933 - mefo bills .- was fiscal or monetary stimulus bit certainly wasn't the liberal orthodoxy of his day.
So he should - if we look only at central bank policy - a man of your tastes.
They were also done by the Treasury, not the Reichsbank.
Schacht's economic policies are a mixed bag, but that's somewhat beside the point, as we were discussing the aetiology of the institutional insanity of the BuBa. And while the hardening of the Reichsbank's anti-inflationary dogma might have happened under Schacht, a single man does not make history.
http://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Datei:Funktionsweise_der_Wechsel.png&filetimestamp=201 10509102445
The readiness of the Reichsbank to discount made the bills of exchange of the technically private mefo work.
So you want to trace the origin of the institutional ideology of the german central bank back to the end of the great inflation but treat anything between 1933-1948 as an aberration.
Woytinsky hatte in Die Arbeit (Heft 3, 1932) erläutert, in welcher Weise die nicht untergebrachten Anleihestücke "den Banken als Unterlage für eine Zwischenfinanzierung der Arbeitsbeschaffung dienen" sollten: "Von den mit den Arbeiten betrauten Unternehmern werden Wechsel auf die als Träger der Arbeiten in Betracht kommenden öffentlich-rechtlichen Körperschaften gezogen." Die Banken könnten diese Wechsel einlösen und ihrerseits "bei der Reichsbank diskontieren". In der Resolution vom 13. April 1932 fehlte jedoch der entscheidend wichtige Verweis auf die Diskontierbarkeit bei der Reichsbank. Es hieß nur: "Soweit die Anleihestücke noch nicht in vollem Umfange auf dem Kapitalmarkt untergebracht sind, sollen sie den Banken als Unterlage für eine Zwischenfinanzierung der Arbeitsbeschaffung dienen."[11] Insbesondere Tarnow war entschieden gegen den Kompromiss mit der Anleihe gewesen. Und Woytinsky hatte immer wieder betont: "Krisenbekämpfung heißt aber Arbeitsbeschaffung. Und wer Arbeitsbeschaffung sagt, der hat von der Kreditschöpfung gesprochen."[12]
Note that the öffa bills and mefo bills are only necessary to circumvent the equivalent of a debt-brake and the like.
I would have tried to post a translation but I don't know how it works--the instructions telling me that it is easy with the Firefox extension doesn't make me much wiser. Can someone explain?
Woytinsky couldn't even get a majority inside the social democrats for the WTB plan, mostly because Hilferding was opposed.
At same time a certain Mosley did leave the labour party, because they would not listen to his keynesian proposals. And in 1932, Roosevelt attacked Hoover because the deficits were to high.
I don't know. They listened to the expert and the expert was Hilferding and Hilferding said no. Was it really that far-fetched to listen to Hilferding?
Major industrial depressions where not, the official version of history notwithstanding, a new and exciting development at the time. There was the next best thing to a century of empirical evidence that laizzes-faire did not, and indeed could not, work.
Your screen should now be glowing orange and emitting a low hum. Do not worry, this is normal. But it's advisable to put on latex gloves before touching the keyboard.
Select, on its html page, the text you want to translate, and right-click (Windows). The option Translate appears in the menu. It opens a new page with the text to be translated on the left. Beneath it, a drop-down menu allows you to define its language. On the right, the empty frames have English defined beneath them, by default.
When you have "German" on the left and "English" on the right, click the "Translate" button between them. The right-hand frames will fill with Google Translate's translation. Check it carefully. To correct, click within a frame and edit appropriately.
When finished, click on "Copy output and close". You can then paste into your comment or diary. The two texts will be html-formatted side by side with link above, as you may have seen here or there in green and yellow.
(I found out that I had Firefox 8 and the extension for 10., but I fixed that now. I don't know how to get a html page though.)
It works. Thanks Afew.
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