French Socialists fighting it out

by Jerome a Paris
Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 11:16:37 AM EST

I hinted briefly at the divisions between the French Socialists in my post yesterday about the "Universités d'été". A slew of articles have come out on this topic in the press today, and one of the best in English is this one from the Guardian:

Now at least six factions are fighting for the party's identity. It is a battle that the rest of Europe's socialists fought some years ago - one that ended, essentially, in them accepting the market economy, recognising it as the most efficient means of producing wealth, and aiming to distinguish themselves from the right by how that wealth is distributed. Here, it is still being fought. The French no vote, fuelled by fears of the perceived liberal, free-market nature of the EU treaty, made plain the enduring attractiveness of hard-left, no-compromise, anti-capitalist politics.


Another priceless quote:

Few arguments summed up the state of the party like that between Françoise Brassart, Mario Martinet and Frederic Vigouroux, three long-standing members from the south. The first backed Mr Hollande: "We have to be realistic, offer attainable solutions. We just can't promise the moon." The second supported the centrist Mr Strauss-Kahn: "But politics cannot control the global economy! At best we can try to regulate it, around the edges."

The third was Gallic socialism at its best. "We will never accept that the market knows better than the state," stormed Mr Vigouroux. "Capitalism is misery. It is up to France to show Europe the way, as it always has done. We were the first to overthrow our king, and we'll be the first to overthrow social democracy. You'll see."

Libération also has some interesting coverage in French (my titles):

The labytinth of alliances
José Bosé as a potential lefty cnadidate, with the following extracts:

Arnaud Montebourg, coanimateur de la minorité NPS, prétendait hier les résumer d'une formule : «Nous voyons l'apparition de deux gauches : une gauche a minima, qui théorise sa propre impuissance, et une gauche volontaire, qui voit les choses de façon plus ambitieuse.»

Arnaud Montebourg, leader of the NPS minority, used a grand formula to sum up the disagreements: "we see two lefts, a bare one, which theorises its own powerlessness, and a voluntarist one, which is more ambitious".

(...)

«Entre José Bové et Sarko, il y a le socialisme», a résumé hier l'organisateur de l'université d'été, Jean-Christophe Cambadélis.

"Between José Bové and [Nicolas] Sarko[zy], there is socialism" summarises the organiser of the université, Cambadélis [aligned to François Hollande, the party leader]

(...)

«Quant à l'extrême gauche, ce sera sa responsabilité de savoir si pour combattre la droite elle peut faire l'impasse de voter pour nous au second tour. Respectons ses choix, mais évitons de lui courir après. Sur bon nombre de propositions, nous ne la rattraperons jamais, car la différence entre elle et nous, c'est qu'elle ne se pose pas la question de l'exercice du pouvoir. Donc, il ne peut pas y avoir de compromis.»

"As to the hard left, it is its responsibility to decide if, to fight the right, it can avoid to vote for us in the second round. Let's respect its choices, but let's not run after it. On many fronts, we will never catch it, as the main difference between us and them is that they do not care about exercising power. so there can be no compromise" (Hollande)

(...)

«Dire la vérité n'est pas un renoncement, une prudence, une tiédeur. Ce n'est pas l'abandon de l'utopie. Au contraire, c'est la morale politique qui permet d'être conforme à l'idéal et d'agir durablement»

"Telling the truth is not being prudent, weak or treasonous. It's not giving up utopia. Quite the opposite, it is the political moral that allows to act in conformity with ideals and over the long term" (Hollande again)

The second article describes the tensions within the "non" camp between the logic of the various parties (the communists, the trotskysts, the lefty socialists), which all mistrust each other, and those that try to avoid them altogether by banding behind a popular figure like José Bové, the media-savvy anti-globalisation farmer and symbol, to actually win.

It's a pretty vital debate, and one which can also be seen inside other parties (the "realists" or centrists" versus the "idealists" or "purists"). France is unique in that, as the Guardian correctly points out, a large chunk of the left still actively refuses capitalism and market mechanisms - large enough to possibly take over the socialist party - and sentence the left to losing the coming elections.

But some of the issues the left is fighting for - how to defend public services, how to ensure equality of chances for all, how to protect the weakest in society, are vital.

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Jon Henley is a solid Blairite. Everything he has written about France over the last year-- especially through the Referendum campaign -- stank of contempt for any of those who thought there was an alternative to Marketism.  He is remarkably consistent.

One would not think from his article that the No campaign won the referendum.

by Richard Drayton on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 04:10:27 PM EST
Thanks for that input. Does my own bias show when I quote him favourably?!

FrenchSocialist made an apparition in yesterday's story. I hope s/he will join us here again to give another perspective on this.

In the long run, we're all dead. John Maynard Keynes

by Jerome a Paris (etg@eurotrib.com) on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 04:53:45 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Jerome, je ne pensais pas that you were agreeing with him! In fact I know you would disagree with his view that Thatcher-Major-Brown's economy is genuinely successful in producing economic growth, real employment, or social wellbeing.

I loved Le Monde's report yesterday.  The badinage of French politicians is a delight --  "A trop fréquenter les Corréziens, on se chiraquise" stung le depute-maire de Tulle (M Hollande) so deliciously

((the key for non-Frogs is that Chirac claims his ancestral home in the Correze, which is also the department which Hollande represents)

by Richard Drayton on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 05:28:46 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I'd put myself in the Strauss-Kahn camp mostly. I also have a lot of respect for Hollande who is derided by all for being uncharismatic and a bureaucrat, but, like you point out, he did run for election in Chriac's backyard and steadily won everything that could be won. Like his companion, Ségolène Royal, he is a political fighter that you pay dearly to underestimate.

As to Blairism , I'm not sure exactly what it stands for. The UK is currently undergoing a Keynesian binge engineered by Gordon Brown, so it's not exactly as if it's only the private sector that's dynamic. As the WSJ pointed out not long ago, the UK created mostly public sector jobs when compared to France...

And I am curious to see how long the British tolerance for foreign ownership of assets and industries will last when the country becomes a serious importer of oil and gas.

I had sympathy for Blair, but he lost it when he never actually took any risk to fight for Europe as he said all along he would, and then when he compiunded that by choosing Bush over Europe on Iraq. Maybe that's what the country wants, but that's not showing leadership, then.

In the long run, we're all dead. John Maynard Keynes

by Jerome a Paris (etg@eurotrib.com) on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 05:45:06 PM EST
[ Parent ]
The worst thing is that it was not originally clear that "that was what the country wanted" either over Europe or Iraq. It's true that once the decisions were made he gathered in supporters (who I would argue have changed their minds since on Iraq in many cases) but there were moments where the electorate was genuinely 50/50 on Europe and arguably 60/40 against the US line on Iraq before he made his decision, but he didn't have enough courage to do the right thing.

Why? Some surmise Carlyle was dangled in front of him on Iraq, but on both Iraq and Europe I see the influence of Rupert Murdoch, whose opinions seem to have directed Blair's policies in these cases pretty closely.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 06:17:40 PM EST
[ Parent ]
On Europe, I certainly believe that he feared Murdoch, and waited too long for the "perfect" opportunity to campaign, which never came and which he never created.

On Iraq, I initially thought he was courageous (to fight for some principles, and to try to have a positive influence on Bushco, against his public opinion), but with all the information that has come out it just appears that he sold his soul to the devil and was bitten in return - and he knew it. It just felt safer to be irrelevant on the side of Americans than irrelevant amongst those strange creatures across the Channel... (of course, if Chirac and Blair had found the courage to speak to each other instead of past each other, they would have found they DID have some influence jointly. And that lesson does not seem to have been leanrt yet, even if on Iran they did a lot better)

In the long run, we're all dead. John Maynard Keynes

by Jerome a Paris (etg@eurotrib.com) on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 06:26:32 PM EST
[ Parent ]
The problem with the left is that they run on a center left platform and when elected govern center right, and then wonder why they keep losing.

 

Suppose you were a heartless bastard, and suppose you were a Republican, but, .....I repeat myself. Mark Twain

by Don Quijote (alonzo.quijano@gmail.com) on Mon Aug 29th, 2005 at 08:48:10 PM EST
Why is it so hard to accept that free market produces more goods and services for more people than any other economic system?  Just ask Cuba, Former Soviet Union, China, N. Korea, et. al.

Here is another sad story why French are depressed


"La Crise: the depression hanging over a nation going back to work"

by ilg37c on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 01:51:10 AM EST
Can you give us an example of that please? Which "free market" are you talking about?
by Colman (colman at eurotrib.com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 02:54:42 AM EST
[ Parent ]
1. For example:

a. Hong Kong (before the Chinese takeover and even now);

b. Singapore

c. Switzerland

d.  USA (albeit its getting its share of socialism - where the government is interfereing and screwing up things, i.e. the government run education, the government run health care system - Medic-aid and MediCare; the government run post office).

No wonder 30-40% of government school teachers sent their kids to private schools.  (Ouch)  What is that they know that we don't?

  1.  Free Markets are more efficient that the state determining the prices (of goods and services) and providing the most goods and services to most people (not all people).  Markets also encourage more innovation, modernization, invention, economic and technological progress that any state program.

  2.  Markets are not perfect, but they are 100 times better than the state.

  3.  A good book to read will be
"Free to Choose" by Milton Friedman or "Free to Choose" television series.

Unless there is something wrong with freedom of choice.

by ilg37c on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 10:48:08 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Just LOL.

Are you trolling or serious?

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.

by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 11:05:25 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Ok, you are just joking.
by Colman (colman at eurotrib.com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 11:15:13 AM EST
[ Parent ]
it's what sort of market economy you want. I remember a quote from the left wing Polish dissident Jacek Kuron from late 1989. He was asked why he was supporting the price liberalization that was being pushed by the ultra-liberals. His answer (from memory) 'whether you want Sweden or the US you still need to create a market.' Except in France you do have a significant minority on the left which is genuinely for full blown socialism, representing at least ten percent of the electorate. (The two trotskyist parties, a good part of the PCF, and it increasingly seems a small but not insignificant minority on the far left of the PS)

It is also unfair to conflate Labour's policies with those of America. Britain has a full blown welfare state. The debate between the Blairites and the conservative wing of the Labour party is not over whether that should be dismantled but rather how it can be improved. The Blairites seem to fetishize introducing some market mechanisms as a way to make public spending more efficient, the conservatives seem to be knee-jerk rejecting any change.  Blair has also massively hiked spending on state health care and on the poor with tangible results on the latter, not too much on the former. On the other hand even the traditionalists aren't truly anti-capitalist - the old Militant faction (full blown Marxist, often Trotskyyist) is dead and buried.  The same is true of most West European socialist movements.  

America on the other hand is ridiculously right wing on  economic policy.  That's why I can be just left of center on economic policy in the European context while well on the left in the American one. On pretty much anything related to economic policy in America - taxes, health care, regulations, unions, workers' rights - I want a sharp turn to the left - Kuron's 1989 view in reverse if you will. In Europe that sharp turn happened a long time ago, so as to the fine tuning it's much less black and white for me.  I find much of the left of the European left to be conservative with a small c sense of the word - unwilling to accept any modification to a system developped for a different socio-economic time, seeing any change as a threat.

by MarekNYC on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 03:12:13 AM EST
The Blairites seem to fetishize introducing some market mechanisms as a way to make public spending more efficient

...or that's what they claim. However, this creeping privatisation never worked out as such. Rail privatisation was a mess that required large state bailouts, some PPP projects like the Channel Tunnel Rail Link pushed up prices in advance (i.e. once it got to signing contracts it was slated to cost a lot, which takes away the plua in the fact that during construction there were no cost overruns), the idiotic London Underground PPP scheme (forced through by NuLab against great opposition - there they showed resolve...) hasn't brought anything that wouldn't go without the privates (most of the recent improvements can be credited to the public management). Similar attempts in hospitals only led to cost increases, and I am the angriest about schools - where Bliar allowed (again against great opposition) a small network of private creationist schools to be established, in this idiocy Britain overtook even the USA.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.

by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 04:02:31 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Larry Elliott wrote a piece in yesterday's Guardian.

A passage I particularly like:

If the government is really ready to change course, there would be no better place to start than with a radical rethink of the PFI. Britain is an immeasurably wealthier country than it was when loving attention was paid to the detail of schools, health centres and public housing of the 1930s. The government is forever boasting about how the UK is now the fourth biggest economy in the world, so there is no obvious reason why we can no longer afford what was deemed essential for the public realm then.
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 04:19:56 AM EST
[ Parent ]
The article isn't bad but that passage shows a serious level of historical illiteracy. 'Loving attention' in the thirties? Is he kidding?  First of all the really big push for the creation of the welfare state came after WWII - that includes all aspects, but especially health care. Secondly, and more seriously, it ignores what living standards were like back then. If the government wanted to provide what was decent quality health care and infrastructure back sixty and seventy years ago it could slash its budget to the bone. Unfortunately I don't think too many people would be happy.

On a more general criticism - the history of public housing is rather poor. Neither the council estates of Britain, the HLM's of France, or the projects of the US are nice places to live.  Could they do better this time? Maybe. But I could certainly imagine public housing being one area where contracting out stuff wouldn't be a bad experiment.

Personal anecdote:
In Poland I lived in model workers' housing built by the Nazis in the thirties. For one person the apartment wasn't bad - more room than I needed, so-so otherwise. But it was intended for a family, and while it would certainly be livable for one, we're not talking particularly good living conditions.

by MarekNYC on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 05:02:00 AM EST
[ Parent ]
The current plan here is to force developers to provide a certain amount of affordable/public housing as part of their developments. At the beginning they had to build some on-site or offering parts of the development to the council at some discounted rate. Of course this drove both the developers and the asshole snobs batshit, and after a while donations in kind became acceptable. It's quite visible in the suburban estate I live in: there are a number of African immigrant/refugee families in what I suspect was social housing in the earlier phases and almost none in the later phases.

It's worse in the city, where I believe developers are offering social housing out in the sticks to offset exclusive development in the central area.

by Colman (colman at eurotrib.com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 05:10:37 AM EST
[ Parent ]
the history of public housing is rather poor. Neither the council estates of Britain, the HLM's of France, or the projects of the US are nice places to live.

Still, it was better than nothing, better than the places poor workers lived in before. But should it have been done better? No question. Yet again, was it more of a money question or a planning question? I tend to believe the latter.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.

by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 05:40:18 AM EST
[ Parent ]
One thing to remember is that HLM were a real progress when they were built. They had in-house plumbing, water and electricity, which were by no means a given back then. Remember that there was still a big slum (a bidonville, just like those you still have in South america nowadays) in Nanterre, just near where the ultra-modern high-rise district of La Défense is located (and where many of the workers who built the first towers of La Défense lived)

The problem seems more about how to keep these places functioning, clean and save after several decades. Maintenance and construction are not the same budget.

PFI grapples with the same issues - what kind of services will be provided for the duration? The HLMs show that rules or regulations from 20 years back are not always applicable - or enforced.

The problem is not public or private ownership, PFI or public housing - it's how to run these things over long periods when there is little benefit (political or monetary) for anyone to do it.

In the long run, we're all dead. John Maynard Keynes

by Jerome a Paris (etg@eurotrib.com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 05:49:49 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Of course, the worst example for public housing is what was done under the communist regime: the concrete block high-rises. Ugly, cramped, hot in the summer, you hear the neighbours across the walls, flat roof that leaks; and poor maintenance and security made them infamous places after 1989.

However, for a few brief years before and after the regime change, at least here in Hungary, things changed: newly built public housing became more liveable, with roofs and fewer floors and gardens and such.

Then again, a few years later, public housing construction came to a virtual standstill. And private investors on the housing market focus on rich customers. Thus the old concrete high-rises remain as affordable housing, one of ever lower quality.

Germany, of course, took a very different path: with incredible amounts of money, the construction of private homes and the dismantling of concrete block houses was supported.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.

by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 06:39:05 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Perhaps you have lived in different parts of the UK to me, MarekNYC. There are whole districts of housing built by the city councils of the thirties that even now provide pretty nice environments for their residents.

Of course, one real issue is that as Jerome notes, part of the reason many of these areas are still nice is perhaps that they passed out of council ownership in the post war period.

Likewise, there are a whole host of public buildings (swimming pools, health centres and the like) that have lasted seventy odd years. Sure, we're looking at replacing them now, but they provided a lot more value than the crumbling efforts of the sixties and seventies.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 06:47:01 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I read that setting off public housing was the only success of the MacDonald minority government (the first Labour government) - and that was even earlier, in the twenties. However, Marek was probably more thinking of NHS, an Attlee government creation.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.
by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 07:15:23 AM EST
[ Parent ]
it was not necessarily for the phrase "loving attention" (though I believe it's true that a great deal of serious attention was paid at the time to new public projects -- people believed in them as a new way forward).

It was for Elliott's pointing out that, if we're so wealthy now, why aren't we putting a commensurate amount of wealth into the public realm? His article focuses mainly on education, not the "welfare state". He's talking about how much we're willing to put into public education, and he's comparing to a time when the willingness was greater -- in relative terms, of course (your comparison, 30s/today, of the absolute sums invested omits to mention the enormous overall increase in wealth from then to now). And he's talking about a kind of pride in quality public infrastructure that was neglected in the 60s and 70s before being mugged and left for dead by Thatcherism in the 80s.

Essentially, he's saying that education belongs in the public realm, that it has been skimped on for far too long (including by New Labour's "harnessing" private capital), and that this must change. A1 for me.

by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 08:55:15 AM EST
[ Parent ]
you misunderstood me. I'm not saying that they're right on their methods - that's why I said 'fetishize' - that's not an endorsement. I don't fully understand the health care changes, but from what I've read I'm skeptical. I'm simply saying that their aim is to make the welfare state work better, not to dismantle it. That in itself seems like a perfectly good objective. Nor do I necessarily mind introducing market mechanisms to achieve left wing aims. For example I rather like the idea of emissions trading. In other words I don't like either the insistence that all government programs could benefit from more capitalism nor the idea that using the market in government policy is always wrong.  Needs to be looked at carefully on a case by case basis.
by MarekNYC on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 04:45:14 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I'm simply saying that their aim is to make the welfare state work better, not to dismantle it.

But I said (admittedly, implicitely) that IMO that's not true. It is only claimed as the aim, but the real aim seems to be privatisation by stealth: what the Bliarites don't believe they can achieve outright, they achieve by selling it as improvement upon the welfare state.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.

by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 05:34:48 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I think that one must also be on guard about exaggerating the differences between the European and American systems.

For example, over here we don't have socialized medicine at the federal level, although we should. But many states have health care systems that fill in for the very needy. My sister-in-law in Massachusetts, for example, lives below the poverty line but has state medical coverage for her four children. Another example is provision for the homeless. Even in the most conservative parts of the country there are systems for handling this problem. A quote from a homeless person in Colorado Springs: "You can't starve in this town."
http://www.csindy.com/csindy/2005-06-09/cover.html

There is a safety net at the very bottom of the economic range.

Similarly, we've had discussions here just recently about ownership of water systems and road systems where it's revealed that France has private versions of these services while America's are mostly public. London Transport's "Public and Private Partnership" is a partially privatized approach to managing the tube system, while NYC's subway is still solidly under governmental control. Some cities in America own their own electric power systems, e.g. Omaha, Nebraska,
http://ww1.oppd.com/who/index.cfm
while much of Europe's electricity is provided by private companies, e.g. Enel SpA in Italy.

And both economic areas pursue protective tariffs, subsidize farmers, and otherwise manage their economies.

I'm not sure that there is a huge difference between the systems...

by asdf on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 09:13:06 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Good points; tho, note, the privately owned services/infrastructure in Europe you mention are in part recent developments, which many of us eye disavowingly.

*Traitor*, n.
A benighted individual who perceives an illusory distinction between serving his nation and abetting the criminals who govern it.
by DoDo on Tue Aug 30th, 2005 at 10:39:05 AM EST
[ Parent ]


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