Democracy and Empire

by cam
Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 11:50:22 AM EST

The thesis for Chalmers Johnson's book, Nemesis, is that democracy and empire are incompatible. A nation must choose between one or other as the two cannot co-exist.


He writes:

Over any lengthy period of time, successful imperialism requires that a domestic republic or a domestic democracy change into a domestic tyranny. This is what happened to the Roman Republic; that is what I fear is happening in the United States as the imperial presidency gathers strength at the expense of the constitutional balance of governmental powers as militarism takes even deeper root in the society.

It did not happen in Britain, although it was more likely and altogether less noble than either Arendt or contemporary apologists for British imperialism imply. Nonetheless Britain escaped the transformation into tyranny largely because of a post-World War II resurgence of democracy and popular revulsion at the routine practices of imperialism.

Central to his thesis is that the checks and balances of Madisonian Republicanism cannot exist under the almost permanent state of war an empire finds itself in. This means that the Executive ends up dominating the legislative and judicial. There is ample evidence that the Bush Administration has actively pursued this by claiming that a President in time of war or faced with national security concerns must have absolute power. Vice President Dick Cheney and Attorney-General's lawyer John Yoo have provided the political and legal backing for such a premise even if their arguments directly contradict the US Constitution.

Johnson's use of Britain in his argument is interesting. The British Westminster system has very poor checks and balances. For instance the Executive is embedded in the Legislative, and in the case of Washminster systems like Australia, representatives of the upper house can be a member of the Executive as well - further deteriorating the doctrine of separation of the powers. The London Westminster system, if anything, is known for its complete centralisation which is only now starting to federalise with Scottish and Welsh self-government. It is an Executive dominated form of government.

I used to be of the opinion that the Westminster system was a hack to route around the absolute power of the monarch. The battles between Pitt the elder and King George were as much about monarch or parliamentary dominance of the executive as they were on foreign and military policy. But Britain's checks and balances are poor anyway: plus they were progressing from an executive dominated monarchical system of government to an executive dominated parliamentary system. So there wasn't the same checks and balances to be eroded as their are in the US Constitution or the Roman tribune system.

I don't think the side-stepping of checks and balances stands up under scrutiny with the British Empire. Which is probably why Johnson sticks to discussing Rome as the historical analogy. I can accept however that the end of empire left Britain with an executive dominated form of democracy. I think it is fairly obvious that in a battle between branches of government the Executive wins nine times out of ten - and usually with party machine or judicial backing.

I think Johnson is correct on the other major issue he raises, that militarism leads to the degrading of democratic governance. President Eisenhower made a speech warning against the military industrial complex in the 1960s. As Johnson points out, it becomes a political economy, not anchored in economic efficiency but in political patronage and corruption. Where the arguments for a weapons system are not how effective it will be, but how many jobs it will create in a representative's district. A state must be able to defend itself from outside coercion, but not past that point, and certainly not where the military industrial complex becomes what Franklin Spinney calls a 'self-licking ice cream cone'.

This may be where Britain kept its domestic democracy - it dropped the militarism. I am reminded of Immanuel Kant's Perpetual Peace where he argues that international peace is impossible until all nations get their internal constitution's in order - that means keeping Executive practice in constitutional bounds.

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I like these kind of analogies.. and I think it is very good to do analogies and metaphors about the past regarding Rome and Empire. It is good to advance some points of view.. like this one.

But, let's not forget that these are metaphors... so it is better if we study them as such.

So very interesting reading.. but we should alwyas recall that the tribune system and Republican Rome had a completely different universe that we have... no link whatsoever with present notions of state, honour, love or anything you cna think of (most of the so-called roman felling sof lust and honour did not have anything to do with ours.. adn most of the feelings had nothing to do with those "created" centuries later by Shakespeare). from space distribution or the consideration about the public sphere,.. even walking by the street in Rome crowded with more than a half a million people everybody had to talk with anybody they meet...everybody.. the idea of public anonimity was unkown to them.

So it was a completely different universe, with the possible exception of some part of the judicial system and some notions about finding fact via oratory (as the anglo system proposes). Another possible exception is recognition through vicotry,a fter all Cesar comit a genocide in the gali to gain prestige during the Republic... adn that's how he got the head-up in the triumvirate preceding the Empire.

Actually, a case can be made that Empire was more succesful and somehow "democratic" (if you can apply post-enlightenment notions to Rome) during some empire times than during the Republic and , at the same time, during other episodes of the Empire era we find the more despotic and disgusting periods.

So, even we use the metaphor to make the point is good to remember that the key point is that during the Republic there was no extremely dark period (for the ROmans of course) as they existed in the Empire.. just by the mere fact that there was some power sharing and some structured mythological (in the "good" sense of myth as I alwasya use the term) insitutions (like the US consitution)

Having said that... I love the UK comparison .. it is a very good point to make.. closer in time.. closer in symbology... and mythology.

I like it very much.

A pleasure

I therefore claim to show, not how men think in myths, but how myths operate in men's minds without their being aware of the fact. Levi-Strauss, Claude

by kcurie on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 12:08:05 PM EST
Very very interesting article. Of course, one need not recourse to as far back as Rome to consider how a Republic descends into Empire; France has a few similar episodes in her past after all, as does modern Italy (empire not necessarily meaning success in foreign campaigns, after all, as America is proving yet again).

I'd be curious just how much of this "America as Modern Rome" analogy is becoming common wisdom, and realizing that Johnson is using the analogy in a different (and much more apprehensive way) than many other contemporary (albeit mostly American - nothing like patting one's own back after all, and what better way to pat one's own back than by analogizing one's own country to the most powerful and long-lived republic and empire in the history of mankind...)

Many of us will be forgiven for stifling a bit of a laugh. America's "Republic" is barely 200 years old, it has rarely been anything but a tool for facilitating further accumulation of wealth (excluding a brief period from the 1930's to the 1970's) and foreign adventurism (no period to exclude here) so it is somewhat amusing to see these paeans to what America once was as opposed to what those evil people are trying to get it to become.

Let's not lose sight of the fact, for instance, that George Dubya Bush's vision of America is one from the past - the pre-Roosevelt era America (and by Roosevelt I mean Teddy, not Franklin) that was so good to his class, and less so to most other classes. The America, in short, which has obtained for most of her history. "Domestic tyranny" was indeed the order of the day, with the Army regularly brought out to break strikes and kill recalcitrant workers, help steal land (and not just from the autochtones) and engage in imperial adventures abroad as well.

So it is somewhat disingenuous to compare Rome, a proper Republic for 500 years or so before descending into the Empire which eventually would rot, to America, whose Republican credentials have most always been at best spotty.

But if Johnson is set on comparison to the classical period, he could do worse than to cite the Seleucids -at root the product of colonization (and therefore more earnest, if less succesful, colonizers), turned back on its home hellenic base, chronic over-reliance on hard power rather than soft, and hopelessly over-extended. And as a result, far less long-lived than Rome. (And, icing on cake, America finds itself bogged down in precisely the same parts of the world today...)

Don't know if the Seleucids (or the Romans, for that matter) believed their own bullshit as effectively as the Americans though. It is quite possible America comes out, historically, with the highest marks on that score. Silk, sow's ear and all that.

Let's Go Red Wings!

by redstar on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 12:58:00 PM EST
Actually as I said.. some period during the Empire were more Republic that the Republic itself ...:)..and of course the republic was not a post-enlightment Republic...and genocides during Republic were at the order of the day...more than once (Galia and Cartago , of course come to mind..although some ibers groups could claim their role to fame..even when they did not reach the same levels of the other two).

The only bad thing about the Rome series is that the feelings are too modern to connect with the public....that's the only problem..for example,, people go around in Rome minding their own business which is flagrantly against everything we know about the public space in Rome.

A pleasure

I therefore claim to show, not how men think in myths, but how myths operate in men's minds without their being aware of the fact. Levi-Strauss, Claude

by kcurie on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 01:36:51 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I think America is more like a modern Athens and NATO like the Delian league.

"It's the statue, man, The Statue."
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 02:25:09 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I agree. And Iraq looks like the Sicilian Expedition...

"Ne te courbe que pour aimer..." René Char
by Melanchthon on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 04:44:19 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Johnson posted on TPMcafe last week three times. He took the comments from his first post as the basis for his second, etc.

This is a nice change from most pundits who just hold forth with no chance for interaction. You can read the series on the web site, but you will need to go from the bottom up:

http://www.tpmcafe.com/user/21824/recent

Policies not Politics
---- Daily Landscape

by rdf (robert.feinman@gmail.com) on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 01:57:16 PM EST
thanks for the tip, i too enjoy his repartee and interactivity with readers (including, i presume, you).

diagree with his assertion on america coming into empire "accidentally," of course. would be nice to see him debate kennedy on this score...

Let's Go Red Wings!

by redstar on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 02:38:47 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Long time ago in days of the Cold War such staff would be cheerfully greeted by Soviet propagandists who would appropriate Mr Chalmers facts, theories and speculations without paying any royalties.

Now Soviet Union is history entity replaced by fiercely nationalist Russia, maoist China is being gradually transformed according to ancient treaties, therefore there is no chance of the book to be translated in near future. Some would think - let's leave Americans to discuss whether "the checks and balances of Madisonian Republicanism cannot exist under the almost permanent state of war an empire finds itself in" or can.

What's more interesting is the constant use of history of Roman Empire (I do not count Holy Roman Empire of German nation), the only one durable European empire in ages, as an allusion and inspiration for such writings.

Once I said that the modern West seems to me as reincarnation of ancient Rome and Greece with their economy based on slavery. Of course it was oversimplification - the Western civilization is surely the heir of them but is not merely the new edition.

There were many revolutions and the heir does not resemble his ancestors in numerous ways.

However one thing Western states could not change - geography. Europe is a big peninsular attached to grandios landmass of Asia indented by vast gulfs and internal seas. That's why the West (including America after WWII) had to muscle its ways to precious resources and protect vital communicating lines. That's why militarism (or imperialism) helped the West to become what it is these days in bigger measure than romantic paleoconservatives or madisonian democrats would admit.

Holding sea power is very attractive idea but history teach us that it's vulnerable from inside - when expences on muscle power to protect communications exceed benefits (even potential) marital empire falls apart as cardhouse. That's exactly happened with Roman empire when it was flooded by alien aggresive German tribes running wild.

America has advantage over ancient Rome as she has natural big landmass but overconsumption of natural resources lead her to waging expensive wars overseas without lasting (in historical sense) legacy in invaded countries. It remains to be seen what American leaders upto when the moment of truth will come.

by FarEasterner (avdavydov@yandex.ru) on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 02:48:00 PM EST
But Far. These kind of metaphors just want to make point, look at the things using a different perspective.. it does not mean that they are literally right.

It is like trying to explain a point using somehting that everybody knows.

In this case case, the point that during the Roman ERepublic with a slight power-sharing produced less dark times that during the Empire is a valid point.

I mean.. it is basically like your point about the trasnformation of the west from little corner of the worl to world preeminence...it is very complex and complicated.. but m you can get soemthing useful about it by using your metaphor about maritime routes and geography as important to the militaristic impulse .. but at the end is also a big simplifications since religion, and symbolic changes (science as agood recreatonal sport for a sector of the society as an example, or economical structures) were also fundamental.

In a word.. I would not be that tough :)

A pleasure

I therefore claim to show, not how men think in myths, but how myths operate in men's minds without their being aware of the fact. Levi-Strauss, Claude

by kcurie on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 03:02:11 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Oh my point had more to do with the original book not about cam's diary with executive power as a reason for empire and military adventurism and incompatibility of democracy with empire.

But as you noticed I tried to intoduce geopolitical angle in analysis of common point of view - geography and desire of peripheral islandish or peninsular states first to survive then proceed to world domination using militarism as a useful tool.

Mr Chalmers Johnson is a known critic of American militarism which he sufficiently unmasked with all its secret prisons and personal armies, black budgets and dictatorial executive power.

But my point was to invite all of you to think about - whether militarism pursued by executives was caused by poor state of checks and balances or had other reasons to exist.
 

by FarEasterner (avdavydov@yandex.ru) on Thu Feb 8th, 2007 at 09:37:02 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Master-slave relationships seem to exist in all aspects of human and even animal and even insect life. Yes they existed in Ancient Greece and Rome, and many other societies over the millenia, they existed during colonialism, and now during the age of Empire. But they also exist in marriages, in villages, in labor relations, among classes, among humans and their pets, etc.

Here's one for you: ant colonies have an incredibly well defined sense of hierarchy. But recently there has been evidence that certain ants with a hierarchical societies (usually these hierarchies tend to keep the population explosion in check because ants tend to do each other in, battle it out, etc.) tend to change behavior in new climates and environments. One such South American colony was imported into Australia, and there the ants got along better, more civilly then they ever had before. They became a supercolony that spread for miles, ended up doing damage to the sediment of an Australian city, and even destroyed a great many of the insect species in the region. I just think this is a supreme irony. We seem to be hard-wired this way.

by Upstate NY on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 10:13:07 PM EST
[ Parent ]
My impression is that the US broke Britain's economic power after the war, which made it impossible for Britain to finance its empire.
The Bretton Woods institutions had not yet been established, and Britain was virtually devoid of liquid international reserves. It was into this virtual economic vacuum that the United States moved to secure subjugation of sterling by the dollar...

What proved so troublesome to the British loan negotiators were the conditions the U.S. Government attached to the loan. Historically speaking, these represent the genesis of the infamous IMF "conditionalities" that have been imposed on debtor countries ever since. It was these negotiations that cast the die. British negotiators gave way on every point critical to its postwar self-interest, each time in exchange for additional U.S. financial assistance. "Not many people in this country", The Economist concluded in 1947 when the totality of British capitulation had become clear, "believe the Communist thesis that it is the deliberate and conscious aim of American policy to ruin Britain and everything that Britain stands for in the world. But the evidence can certainly be read that way. And if every time that aid is extended, conditions are attached which make it impossible for Britain ever to escape the necessity of going back for still more aid, to be obtained with still more self-abasement and on still more crippling terms, then the result will certainly be what the Communists predict...

The United States reverted to its interwar policy of aiding the defeated powers more than its wartime allies. The costs of occupying Germany continued to drain Britain's balance of payment, while Germany's internal debt was cancelled and its economy was free to start anew, unburdened by its indebtedness—the basis for the German miracle of the next quarter-century. Britain was permitted no such miracle. (Michael Hudson, Super Imperialism, 269-272)

So it is simplistic to say, as Chalmers Johnson does, that "the overall thrust of postwar British history is clear: the people of the British Isles chose democracy over imperialism": they were forced to make this "choice" by the new American empire. I like Johnson's writing a lot—I have read his previous two books—but I think that he is better at describing empire than explaining it.

It's funny how the atlanticist editors of the Economist and the FT seem to have forgotten this little bit of their history.

A bomb, H bomb, Minuteman / The names get more attractive
The decisions are made by NATO / The press call it British opinion

-- The Three Johns

by Alexander on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 04:55:02 PM EST
as the other end result of empire. But even then its colonies had been splitting off into self-government. Johnson also argues that Britain went to democracy kicking and screaming, pointing out the Malayan Emergency and Kenyan conflict were largely about trying to keep some semblance of empire.

Then again, by WWII the UK was demilitarising. Australia knew full well the Royal Navy could not fight a war in Europe and the Pacific even though they maintained the fiction of the 'Singapore Strategy' to the electorate.

cam

Freedom, Liberty, Equity and an Australian Republic

by cam on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 08:02:50 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Well then, Johnson oversimplifies his own account when he says that the British people rejected imperialism. I think it's a valid generalization to say that given a choice, people of all nations would reject imperialism: people everywhere just want to have a decent life, and don't care about grandiose imperialist projects. But elites do get a thrill out of such projects.

I think that the difference between the US and Britain in this respect is that British imperialism and British elites were tired, so they lacked the will to fight the desire of the people. Americans today want an empire no more than the British people did at the end of WW II. The problem is that American elites still think that empire is a going proposition for them, so they are not willing to give the American people what they want.

I think Johnson has a simplistic notion of how nations choose the paths they take. He writes as if nations can choose which way they go, the way a person can plan out their career. It isn't like that. Nations have destinies, determined by institutional, cultural, and other constraints, over which they have little control.

Which is not to say that I have not been impressed by his argument that empire and democracy/republic are incompatible, and accepted it.

On the other hand, Britain managed to be both a highly successful de facto republic and a highly successful empire for over two centuries. So Johnson's thesis isn't a useful practical (or theoretical) guide, although it is a very good talking point, which is perhaps all he intended it to be.

A bomb, H bomb, Minuteman / The names get more attractive
The decisions are made by NATO / The press call it British opinion

-- The Three Johns

by Alexander on Thu Feb 8th, 2007 at 02:18:46 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I think he's just plain wrong on that score. The most democratic time in UK history - which is more or less the post-war consensus defined by Clem Attlee that survied from 1947 to 1979 - was also the period when the UK was mostly obviously having to give up the Empire.

There was nominal democracy much earlier. But even though the franchise had been widened to include almost everyone by the end of the 19th century, it wasn't until the Labour Party started gaining significant interest that the working classes had real representation in parliament.

Political forms are much less important than whether the system as a whole is driven by the elites for their own benefit, or by the working classes.

Oligarchy is the natural backbone of empires, but sometimes it puts on democratic clothing and tries hard to look innocent.

by ThatBritGuy (thatbritguy (at) googlemail.com) on Thu Feb 8th, 2007 at 06:56:00 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I think it's a valid generalization to say that given a choice, people of all nations would reject imperialism: people everywhere just want to have a decent life, and don't care about grandiose imperialist projects. But elites do get a thrill out of such projects.

I think his point his, once you get to that point you have two choices, either democratise and cease to strive for empire, or become a dictatorship and try to hang on to it by sucking any remaining worth out of the country. His example for going the latter way was Augustus Caesar.

There was a time when Britain's economy was like the current American one. It was way ahead of all its rivals in size, ability to attract capital, technology, output, productivity etc. After WWII that mantle had moved to the US.

The other aspect is that British Empire was built on the Royal Navy. At the end of WWII empire came through airpower, and naval projection was dominated by the aircraft carrier. In 1945 the US was pumping out something like five aircraft carriers a month in production. Britain couldn't compete in the expense department. Yet a century and a half earlier when expensive copper plating was a technological jump, Britain plated their ships as quickly as they could.

I think you are correct that the elites get to make the decisions relating to empire and whether it continues or not. By your definition, increasing democratic input into the political process suggests empire becomes harder and harder to implement with public opinion as the people rarely want it.

cam

Freedom, Liberty, Equity and an Australian Republic

by cam on Thu Feb 8th, 2007 at 08:18:18 AM EST
[ Parent ]
It reminds me of Asimov's "Foundation". Somewhere, somebody tells the Mayor of Terminus (in fact President of the Foundation) that, in case the Foundation would try to conquer the Galaxy militarily, it would soon become a dictatorship for the very reasons you mention...

"Ne te courbe que pour aimer..." René Char
by Melanchthon on Wed Feb 7th, 2007 at 04:55:32 PM EST
The trouble with historical analogies is that one ends up discussing the analogy and not the problem at hand.

Of course the US in not the "same" as Athens, Rome or the UK, but the US is acting as an international bully and is increasingly infringing on civil rights domestically.

So calling attention to how things turned out in the past may bolster one's arguments, but the real effort should be correcting present faults for the sake of those being abused now.

From a procedural point of view the questions are: Is this feasible? Can it be done via democratic processes? Can society avoid civil unrest? What are the best steps to take to achieve the desired goals?

Policies not Politics
---- Daily Landscape

by rdf (robert.feinman@gmail.com) on Thu Feb 8th, 2007 at 09:49:50 AM EST


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