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by afew
Yet more questioning of conventional wisdom in the Financial Times - not from one of the in-house majors, certainly, but in an opinion piece by trade-union think-tanker Andrew Watt. Overall, it's an attack on the monetary othodoxy of the ECB, and on the labour-cost-reducing "reforms" that financial capitalism's very serious spokespersons never fail to inform us are absolutely necessary to competitiveness in the globalised competitive economy [that financial capitalism has been instrumental in creating - additional note by afew].
Caught between "fire and ice", or the Scylla and Charybdis of rising inflation and slowing growth, the ECB steers one way only by refusing "to cut rates", notes Watt. The ECB's stated aim, of course, is fighting inflation. Watt points to the inconsistencies in the anti-inflation doctrine:
Central banks are not, as many seem to believe, all-powerful. Specifically, they cannot fight imported inflation. To offset it by lowering domestic demand and depressing domestic prices is like cutting off your right arm if the left one is injured in the interest of “balance”. To the extent that domestic prices have risen, it has been profit and not wage driven: unit labour costs in the euro area have been consistently below inflation; the share of wages in national income has fallen. The horror for the ECB is wage inflation, that must be stopped at all costs - even if those costs include a prolonged economic downturn. While the European Commission frets about budget deficits but offers no plans to deal with the downturn,
Business leaders, led by BusinessEurope, complain about “high wage demands” and a flagging commitment to what is most needed: fast-track labour market reform – again. And not only business leaders, we might add. The business press, the economic gurus and the pundits, all sing from that hymnbook, with harmony provided by political leaders from New Labour to the right (it's not that the distance is great, but it makes for a lot of political leaders).
But let's be clear about what's meant by "labour market reform". Increased "flexibility" means easier firing; tighter conditions for unemployment benefit mean pressure on the unemployed to take lower-paid jobs (when it is not a specific condition as Sarkozy is proposing for France); weakening collective bargaining means more power to employers in negotiating wages and work conditions. This all heads one way, as it is meant to: reducing labour costs. Watt points to the example of Germany:
within the euro area, cost-cutting by Germany, cheered on by policymakers, has mechanically squeezed the competitiveness of other countries with which it shares a currency. Policymakers point at countries whose unit labour cost increases have threatened their competitiveness and led to current account deficits. But it is just as dangerous, if not more so, for countries in a monetary union to seek consistently to expand market share by driving unit labour cost growth substantially below the inflation target of the central bank. <...> One thing I've been thinking about this is that it lights the way through some of the murk about "globalisation". Because, even if Germany is an exporter of much-desired goods - and it is - the "competitiveness" that it has gained by reducing wages is not so much an edge on Asian competitors as on European, and especially Eurozone countries. No developed economy can hope to compete directly with China or other low labour-cost countries. Yet the existence of those countries and the threat they pose to livelihoods is constantly used to pressure workers into producing more for less remuneration. But the real competition we're being forced into is between similar countries within the EU, within the Eurozone. In other words, the very opposite of increased integration and harmonisation of economic policy. The race to the bottom of supposed high-cost countries towards becoming low-cost countries - in competition with one another. In this game, China is the bogeyman. Watt pins the blame on a pretty obvious candidate.
Yet consider the following facts. Both the 1999-2000 upturn in Europe and the recent one ended not because of labour market rigidities, but because of the correction of speculative bubbles on financial markets. Prime causes of these had been: myopic shareholder-value orientation; policies that have shifted income to the already wealthy; and financial-market deregulation. In other words, modern financial capitalism, aka the Anglo Disease. Yet, since he's calling for immediate ECB interest rate cuts, hasn't he forgotten the great enabling of those speculative bubbles by lax monetary policy on the part of the Fed? How right or wrong is he in asking the ECB to loosen up?
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Low-cost Labour | 14 comments (14 topical, 0 editorial, 0 hidden)
Low-cost Labour | 14 comments (14 topical, 0 editorial, 0 hidden)
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