Why the Filibuster Isn't Going Anywhere

by danps
Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 06:59:04 AM EST

There is a great deal of frustration with the filibuster at the moment, but it tends to be unpopular across the political spectrum - and we're probably stuck with it for the foreseeable future.

For more on pruning back executive power see Pruning Shears.


No Associated Press content was harmed in the writing of this post

The filibuster has been all over the news lately, and on the left there is a growing consensus that it should be changed or abolished.  For old times' sake I decided to revisit the last time filibusters were front and center in politics: the Gang of Fourteen compromise that loosened up Democratic filibusters of some of George Bush's judicial nominees.

My general recollection was that neither side was particularly happy about it.  A local conservative columnist (sorry, couldn't find a link) sourly wrote something along the lines of, "well I guess politics is beanbag after all."  Remember this happened in 2005, which is several geological ages ago on the Right Wing Freakout Timeline.  The outraged polemics make for fabulous reading now that the GOP is in the minority.  Andrew McCarthy howled that it was "an obstructive tactic that unabashedly nullifies majority rule" and spluttered (emph. in orig.)

the filibuster was not used at all throughout much of the Senate's history. It is currently unavailable for over two dozen types of legislative proceedings. And it has never, ever been systematically employed in connection with judicial nominations. Thus, it is difficult to understand how altering or eliminating it in that context could credibly evoke visions of mushroom clouds rising above a smoldering Capitol.

Still, "nuclear option" has stuck....With "Armageddon" securely stamped on the rule change — one that would restore a two-century status quo of simple-majority confirmations while guaranteeing nominees only a vote, not a win — those seeking such a change were naturally cast as "extremists."
There was plenty of other commentary on the right about the undemocratic nature of the filibuster, but it was not much more popular on the left.  I don't recall, and couldn't find, any prominent voices taking the position of, hey it's great that the Democrats had the filibuster at their disposal!  The closest thing I found was a lukewarm endorsement by Kos on the grounds that it was making conservatives nuts.  Digby summed up the feelings on the left best, writing (emph. in orig.) "I want that nuclear option, I need that nuclear option. I'm fucking dying to have that fight."

Critics on both the left and right noted the intolerably vague language of the agreement that ended the filibuster, and that offers the best clue why the filibuster will likely be retained.  It was what used to be called a gentlemen's agreement, something that wasn't formalized but that would be maintained through mutual understanding and occasional massaging.

They want to be able to endlessly flatter and indulge each other in the name of comity (in the last few weeks I've come to hate that word).  They want the Senate to be a place where personalities trump party or policy, where managing relations is the first order of business - like a soap opera or a never-ending episode of a reality show where no one gets voted off.  It is no coincidence that the membership of the Gang of Fourteen is a who's who (Landrieu, Lieberman, Nelson, Collins, Snowe) of the high maintenance, egomaniacal misanthropes gumming up health care reform.

Opposition to it does not break down along left/right lines, but on establishment/outsider lines.  The inability to pass health care reform on a simple majority vote highlights the differences on the left between those who ground policy positions in Beltway conventional wisdom and those who do not.  Frustration with an opaque, clubby body that to all appearances is in the thrall of lobbyists has begun to peak.  It is creating the same kind of anti-DC strange bedfellows who support auditing the fed and (to a lesser extent) opposed the FISA Amendments Act last year.  The filibuster is one of the most visible symbols of that broken system.  

Norman Ornstein is one of the few people to have defended it.  During the Gang of Fourteen episode he argued that failure to keep it would cause the Senate to operate more like the House, which he derided as "a cesspool of partisan rancor."  He did not make a Constitutional case for it, though, or say it provided some essential function to the system of checks and balances.  He just likes the way it helps encourage his particular concept of decorum.

The same is true of Senators.  They want to maintain a system that maximizes their opportunities to demand to be catered to.  Anything that presents more opportunities for obstruction gives individual Senators more chances to exert leverage, and more chances to be fawned over.  That, much more so than parliamentary requirements, is what keeps the filibuster in place.  Changing it will require a change in the capitol's very culture, not just some slick procedural maneuvering.

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by danps (dan at pruningshears (dot) us) on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 06:59:29 AM EST
A very well researched and argued piece.  Those who condemn the filibuster now have very short memories - it wasn't long ago that it operated as a very small curb on the excesses of the Bush regime. Democracy isn't simply about majority rule, it is also about protecting the civil rights of minorities.

Yes the filibuster does give a lot of leverage to a small group who like to style themselves as centrists but who are in reality high maintenance, ego-maniacal, pork barrel gougers out to secure their own careers and petty self-interests.  But the answer to that is to select better Democratic Party candidates and build an even bigger Democratic majority.  What the hell is Connecticut doing electing a Lieberman under any party label?

Yes I know the senate electoral system favours smaller, more rural, more conservative states - but that is a separate issue.

notes from no w here

by Frank Schnittger (mail Frankschnittger at hot dotty communists) on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 07:26:06 AM EST
... a legislative body with rolling election of 1/3 of the body on two year intervals diverse federal is an anti-democratic institution under any reckoning.

Its not as if there are not ample opportunities in the Madisonian system to block change - it is designed to make it easier to block than to enact change. The separation of the Cabinet from the Legislature, the division of the Legislature into two bodies elected on two different electoral rhythms - we have far more veto-points than your parliamentary system.

However the filibuster is an accidental later addition to that system. The motion to bring the measure to a vote was removed from the Senate rules on the grounds that it was an unnecessary procedure, having rarely been used - not foreseeing the opportunity for obstructionism that it opened up.

The most immediate check available on the filibuster is for Money bills, which are Constitutionally required to begin in the House, and which could be passed with a title included limiting debate in the Senate.

The "problem" of population representation in the Senate is due in large part to the oversized states that the US now has - the largest state compared to the median in 1800 was nowhere near as big as the largest state compared to the median today.

We could begin the process with the worst offender, since California is entirely dysfunctional and so dividing it into two could not make things any worse.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii

by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 09:52:17 AM EST
[ Parent ]
on comity

In a floor speech Wednesday night, Dodd said there is "nothing wrong" with partisanship, but added he has "been deeply disturbed by some of the [healthcare] debate I have heard, usually from newer members, usually those who have been here one, two, three years, who do not have an appreciation of what this chamber means and how we work together."

Read what little more...

The text of Dodd's speech is not yet apparently available.

Diversity is the key to economic and political evolution.

by Cat on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 10:27:13 AM EST
What exactely is a filibuster? I am not sure we have someting equivalent here in Europe, or do we?
by Fran (fran at eurotrib dot com) on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 03:23:58 PM EST
It is to prevent a vote by endlessly continuing the debate.

Most parliaments sensibly has rules to prevent that, but some variations of similar tactics exists. Calling hearings prior to a vote, demanding votes on an excessive list of amendments and utilizing that most parliaments has to respect certain time schedules to speak at maximum lengths at preceding bills can all be used.

I do think that the US senate is an exception insofar that it is not considered very bad form to utilize the rules in this way.

A vote for PES is a vote for EPP! A vote for EPP is a vote for PES! Support the coalition, vote EPP-PES in 2009!

by A swedish kind of death on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 03:44:39 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I am not sure we have someting equivalent here in Europe

The rules of procedure of every parliament are different...

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Sat Dec 26th, 2009 at 04:07:58 PM EST
[ Parent ]
... is a term applied to the technique in the US in the late 1800's - filibusterers were the post Civil-War Southerners engaged in "adventures" in places like Central America, from the Dutch vrijbuiter or freebooter, via the French filibustier and the Spanish filibustero. The use to describe US Senators engaged in filibuster as hijacking the debate was not, it may be noted, normally considered a compliment.

But The Wikipedia notes that the tactic, known as "talking out", while rare in European parliaments, is not unknown. They tend to be shorter term political stunts in the Westminster system - for one thing, Westminster rules require that debate be germane, while there is no such rule in the US Senate, and for another, in the US Senate, a Senate holding the floor may yield the floor to another specific Senator rather than yielding back to the Speaker to recognize the next parliamentarian with the floor. So a small minority can hold the floor of the US Senate for an extended period, "yielding the floor" floor back and forth. In most Westminster systems where it is at all possible, a filibuster is an act of both vocal endurance and imagination - to avoid a successful appeal that the debate is not germane - by an individual parliamentarian.

The key to whether or not a filibuster is in fact possible is whether there is a motion to bring a matter to a vote, which is in order during debate and may be passed by a simple majority. The US Senate originally had such a rule, but it was taken out by Aaron Burr in the early 1800's as being an unnecessary technicality.

There is no filibuster in the House of Representatives because House Rules dictate time limits for any matter brought to the floor for debate, while the Senate does not.

Given the individual Senator's incentives to retain the filibuster - and any specific issue on which enough Senators feel strongly enough to change the rules is one in which they can "invoke cloture", the special rules for bringing debate to a close if a super-majority of 60% of elected Senators agree - the House is one avenue for reigning it back, with some proposing (and I think its worth a shot) that the House pass a revenue bill likely to face a filibuster with a title included that limits debate.

Now, the Senate cannot originate revenue bills, and may only affirm or dissent by amendment. And that is what the Senate always does: they write their own revenue bill and then pass it as an amendment to the entirety of the House bill. But the parliamentary argument goes, to take out the time limitation would require an amendment and until successfully amended, the time limit may apply.

This would require a ruling by the Senate parliamentarian, and if it went against the House, possibly a case with the Supreme Court. But the Republicans successfully used the threat of challenging the Constitutionality of the filibuster on Court appointments to bluff the Democrats into not filibustering some particularly odious Bush appointments, so this is a tactic that could be used as a threat as well as trying to push it all the way through.

Utsukushikereba sore de ii

by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Sun Jan 17th, 2010 at 05:15:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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