Haiti's neoliberal catastrophe, pre and post quake

by fairleft
Mon Jan 18th, 2010 at 02:30:17 PM EST

Photobucket
Haiti before the earthquake (all photos by Ruth Fremson, NY Times, 2005, preserved here)

The most depressing four paragraphs I've read recently were these by Patrick Cockburn on Friday (emphasis added):

Haitians are now paying the price for this feeble and corrupt government structure because there is nobody to coordinate the most rudimentary relief and rescue efforts. Its weakness is exacerbated because aid has been funneled through foreign NGOs. A justification for this is that less of the money is likely to be stolen, but this does not mean that much of it reaches the Haitian poor. A sour Haitian joke says that when a Haitian minister skims 15 per cent of aid money it is called `corruption' and when an NGO or aid agency takes 50 per cent it is called `overhead'.    

Many of the smaller government aid programs and NGOs are run by able, energetic and selfless people, but others, often the larger ones, are little more than rackets, highly remunerative for those who run them. In Kabul and Baghdad it is astonishing how little the costly endeavors of American aid agencies have accomplished. . . . Foreign consultants in Kabul often receive $250,000 to $500,000 a year, in a country where 43 per cent of the population try to live on less than a dollar a day.    

None of this bodes very well for Haitians hoping for relief in the short term or a better life in the long one. The only way this will really happen if the Haitians have a functioning and legitimate state capable of providing for the needs of its people. The US military, the UN bureaucracy or foreign NGOs are never going to do this in Haiti or anywhere else.

There is nothing very new in this. Americans often ask why it is that their occupation of Germany and Japan in 1945  succeeded so well but more than half a century later in Iraq and Afghanistan was so disastrous. The answer is that it was not the US but the efficient German and Japanese state machines which restored their countries. Where that machine was weak, as in Italy, the US occupation relied with disastrous results on corrupt and incompetent local elites, much as they do today in Iraq, Afghanistan and Haiti.


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Haiti before the earthquake

Those paragraphs predicted what the most reliable reports say is going on now: I See No Evidence of a Government Presence Here. The Haiti money problem is being solved, but the chaos prevents help, in time, to most Haitians trapped under rubble or dying of treatable injuries. Nothing at all is being done or will be done about the non-functioning, failed state, which derives whatever legitimacy of the bullet it has from UN enforcers with their own, neocolonial agenda. If anything the death-squad-aided government has just picked up new enforcers, U.S. ones, to add to the UN occupation force. Let's see how that goes (NOT fucking very WELL).

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Haiti before the earthquake

Haiti long neo-colonial history continues: decades of the bloodsucking U.S.-backed Duvaliers, then a brief 1980s Aristide spring, and then back to continuing U.S. neocolonialism -- Aristide's U.S.-backed ouster in 1991, his restoration in 1994 on condition he impose neoliberalist "plan of death" on Haiti, a brutal U.S. economic embargo and Aristide's eventual ouster in 2004 -- featuring U.S.-backed death squads that still roam free today -- because he was not neoliberal enough, then U.S. puppet and Duvalieresque kleptocrat Gérard Latortue's incredibly harsh neoliberal regime. Finally, he was ousted and in the 2006 elections an Aristide ally, René Préval, was elected, but he has turned out to feeble, cooperating with the U.S. (that's now Mr. Obama, btw) neo-liberal "plan of death" program.

So who really rules Haiti, if not the failed state:

In fact, the U.S., UN and other imperial powers effectively bypassed the Préval government and instead poured money into NGOs. "Haiti now has the highest per capita presence of NGOs in the world," says Yves Engler. The Préval government has become a political fig leaf, behind which the real decisions are made by the imperial powers, and implemented through their chosen international NGOs.

The real state power isn't the Préval government, but the U.S.-backed United Nations occupation. Under Brazilian leadership, UN forces have protected the rich and collaborated with--or turned a blind eye to--right-wing death squads who terrorize supporters of Aristide and his Lavalas Party.

The occupiers have done nothing to address the poverty, wrecked infrastructure and massive deforestation that have exacerbated the effects of a series of natural disasters--severe hurricanes in 2004 and 2008, and now the Port-au-Prince earthquake.

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Haiti before the earthquake

And what are the occupiers against? Aristideism: "land reform, aid to peasants, reforestation, investment in infrastructure for the people, and increased wages and union rights for sweatshop workers." I.e., the same thing they're against everywhere: more for you and me, less for the investor class. Let's finish with a little bit of hope, More Than Aid, Haiti Needs Allies:

Haitians, it is true, need all the help they can get, but, as Naomi Klein, author of The Shock Doctrine, warns, “crises are often used now as the pretext for pushing through policies that you cannot push through under times of stability. Countries in periods of extreme crisis are desperate for any kind of aid, any kind of money, and are not in a position to negotiate fairly the terms of that exchange.” Desperation ought not to be abused by oligarchic governments to drown Haiti into more debt or hold that sovereign nation economically hostage. Desperation ought not to be abused to enforce even more draconian mandates that only promote further instability. Desperation ought not to be abused to enhance specific political policies that only service imperialistic ambitions. Unless one still believes in fairy tales, it’s almost unthinkable to assume many foreign governments, who’ve already come bearing gifts, don’t see this as an opportunity to accomplish all three.

. . . Only a courageous countervailing movement that stands strong for the dignities and humanities of Haitians—during the aftermath and beyond: when TV channels have moved on to the next circus, when people have stopped giving and relief organizations are running out of aid—would save Haiti from an even greater earthquake already rattling the ground beneath.

Haiti needs Aristideism, an end to neoliberalist economic brutality. That's what needs to be imposed on Haiti, Mr. and Ms. Hollywood Celebrities, what its common people have long voted for and courageously fought and died for.

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There is a lot of truth here, but there also is some prominent bunk.  I wish I had time to debunk the bunk.  I'll start with the statement that Aristide was no saint, which doesn't justify his ouster either.  Nevertheless, painting Aristide as some sort of panacea is deceitful.

"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Mon Jan 18th, 2010 at 09:47:29 PM EST
I'm for Aristideism, which I defined in the article as what Aristide initially wanted to do (or who knows, maybe he didn't and just said he did) in the late 1980s. I support the program not necessarily the man.

fairleft
by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Mon Jan 18th, 2010 at 11:24:13 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Our research institute and the social sciences faculty to which it belongs had a lengthy working relationship with the distinguished intellectual and activist/organizer Gerard Pierre Charles.  The falling out he had with Aristide was emblematic:

While he was absent, Pierre-Charles was responsible for turning the Lavalas movement into an organised and disciplined political party, Organisation Politique Lavalas (OPL). That was as close to holding public office as Pierre-Charles ever came. Aristide returned to Haiti in 1994, after the military regime was removed by a United Nations force headed by the United States, and served out the remainder of his term of office.

But Pierre-Charles soon fell out with him, and the OPL split: Pierre-Charles kept the initials but renamed his party Organisation du Peuple en Lutte (Struggling People's Organisation), while Aristide formed a movement fiercely loyal to him, known (in Creole) as Fanmi Lavalas, or the Lavalas Family.

As Aristide became increasingly reliant on armed thugs to underpin his regime, and his re-election in 2000 was surrounded by allegations of fraud, Pierre-Charles became one of his most implacable critics. He accused the former priest of betraying his democratic ideals and becoming both a dictator. Aristide's supporters responded by burning down Pierre-Charles' house, research centre and party offices.



"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 10:52:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Here is a fairly good article on the period.

"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 11:57:53 AM EST
[ Parent ]
involved implementing the U.S. neoliberal agenda, not the policies he was attempting to establish, or said he was attempting to establish, with the vital support of Pierre-Charles, in the late 1980s and upon his election in 1991:

. . . his restoration in 1994 on condition he impose neoliberalist "plan of death" on Haiti, a brutal U.S. economic embargo and Aristide's eventual ouster in 2004 -- featuring U.S.-backed death squads that still roam free today -- because he was not neoliberal enough . . .


fairleft
by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 01:34:56 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Not exactly.  You were focusing on the economic plan.  The concrete reason he became unpopular was his decision to pursue a cult of personality.  Please read the New Yorker article.

"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 03:25:58 PM EST
[ Parent ]
That should have been "New York Review of Books".

Notice I am not dismissing what you way; there is just more to it than you have indicated.  For example, I think this is a good depiction:

Whatever the political differences between the Lavalas factions, Fatton writes, they were largely overshadowed by personal rivalries driven by what he terms la politique du ventre (the politics of the belly)--the struggle for the acquisition of personal wealth through the conquest and plundering of state offices. Fatton sees the FL-OPL split as the predictable consequence of the Haitian government's inability, in the face of an aid embargo and a stagnant economy, to continue supporting the growing class of new political claimants. By the winter of 1997, corruption in the Préval administration had become so blatant that at carnival in Port-au-Prince, the crowds, weary of partisan squabbling and disdainful of Haiti's politicians of all stripes, devoted much of the festivities to lampooning Lavalas bigwigs as grands mangeurs, or "big eaters," so named because of their propensity for lining up at the public trough.

The struggle for money and a foothold in the Haitian bourgeoisie is unquestionably one of the principal forces shaping Haiti's authoritarian politics. Moreover, as Fatton says, in the absence of economic growth, this pattern will replicate itself indefinitely. However, to maintain that in this instance the politique du ventre was the determining factor in the FL- OPL split would be to fail to reckon with Jean-Bertrand Aristide himself.



"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 03:33:34 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Just common sense, but the concrete reason he became unpopular was probably the economoy -- the horrible race-to-the-bottom economy for most people that is as usual imposed on poor countries by neoliberalism -- and not a cult of personality, authoritarianism and so on. I'll guess we can't resolve this disagreement however, except through old Haiti public opinion polling.

I don't think we disagree in general, just on the use of Aristideism. I defined it very clearly for this diary's purposes, but it nonetheless and reasonably carries connotations I didn't intend.

fairleft

by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 03:51:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]
If Gerard Pierre Charles were here among us today, he would say that it was Aristide's pursuit of authoritarianism that doomed him.  He arguably didn't have to "go that route".  Since I can't bring Gerard back to life, I have done my best to provide quotes and interviews of his.

"Beware of the man who does not talk, and the dog that does not bark." Cheyenne
by maracatu on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 05:15:35 PM EST
[ Parent ]
... if you could quote the section of the piece where it does anything that can be described as:
painting Aristide as some sort of panacea

I see:

then a brief 1980s Aristide spring, and then back to continuing U.S. neocolonialism -- Aristide's U.S.-backed ouster in 1991, his restoration in 1994 on condition he impose neoliberalist "plan of death" on Haiti, a brutal U.S. economic embargo and Aristide's eventual ouster in 2004 -- featuring U.S.-backed death squads that still roam free today -- because he was not neoliberal enough

... the claim that Aristide was not neoliberal enough to be allowed by the US to continue as President seems to be far from a claim "sainthood" to me.

Are the sainthood claims perhaps encoded into the pictures and I just do not have the special decoder glasses?


Utsukushikereba sore de ii

by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 12:14:15 AM EST
[ Parent ]
says it all.  That word invokes Aristide as a panacea, disclaimers or not.
by santiago on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 09:29:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]
You have a point, but for me the term encompasses the moderate and basic social progress in the quotation.

fairleft
by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 10:41:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Ah, so you are reading it into the piece. "Xism", to me, implies the position espoused by X. It says nothing about whether X him or herself has the personal qualities of a saint.

It is, indeed, absurd to think that the ability to express more or less what ought to be done automatically comes with either the ability to bring it about, or with the characteristics of sainthood - and normally, the ability to bring it about and the characteristics of sainthood are mutually exclusive.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii

by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 01:12:54 PM EST
[ Parent ]
There's a number of issues here.  One is that when a political leader -- that is, someone with the demonstrated power of a large following -- expresses what ought to be done, it is not at all absurd to believe that a group acting under that leader's name has the ability to at least make a good attempt to bring it about, for better or for worse.  

But there is another issue here with Aristide as as a political leader which calls into question his credentials to represent anything like the "Aristidism" invoked by the author. There are just too many leftist Haitians -- people at known hangouts for the world's progressive diasporas, such as New York's New School for Social Research, that actively opposed Aristide and did more to bring about his overthrow in 2004 than the US did by not intervening on his behalf. It could be, as you seem to suggest, that there are progressive ideals which go beyond the person himself. But it could just as easily be true that those ideals were fictions of political propaganda in the first place, given the poor outcomes when Aristide was given a chance.  

Remember, not intervening on behalf of someone is not the same kind of imperialism as intervening directly to remove someone.  The former requires that the subject fail on his own first, and Aristide's projects appear to have failed largely on their own merits before any blame can be leveled at the US for not intervening a second time to keep him in power.

by santiago on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 02:55:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Overstated. I don't mean to imply that American foreign policy did not contribute to Aristide's failures, but I do want to point out that Aristide and his projects were as unpopular with the Haitian left as they were with the right at the time of his 2004 ouster.
by santiago on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 05:02:17 PM EST
[ Parent ]
... that I doubt Aristide's competency to be the President that successfully brings "Aristidisme" into being, but on the other hand in the circumstances of the late 1980's, it could well have been that there was no such thing as sufficient competence to bring it into being.

The fact of a set of people opposing a person remaining in power is certainly not necessarily a rejection of the program - especially after such a troubled and controversial Presidency as Aristide had - since it can as easily be a rejection of the person as a competent executive.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii

by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 08:11:09 PM EST
[ Parent ]
by santiago on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 10:38:36 AM EST
[ Parent ]
By that reasoning, the term "Republicanism" could be seen as representing the republican party as panacea.
There are important issues here, and we're losing them in trivia.
It makes little sense to quote any American, French or British mainstream publication, even one as prestigious as the New York Review on any subject relating to Haiti, without a thorough and probably futile attempt to separate the conventional political wisdom from the useful facts. It's equally difficult to know much about Chaves's Venezuela, since it's on the US death list, and so it's leaders need to be dehumanized, so we can then "rescue" it's poor, misled, helpless people.
The history of Haiti, once lush and lovely, rich in resources and potential, is a panorama of merciless predation, with the most spectacular being the French insistence on Haiti's repayment of "Damages" asessed for the illegal theft of property-- the Haitian people themselves. Thus the freed slaves were forced to pay their opressors for the right to be free- even after attaining it through force of arms, and the loss of almost a third of their population. And they paid- thanks to the embargo, it was that or starve.
 Little has changed.
The IMF instituting the utterly discredited but now sadly traditional terms of the "structural adjustment loan" is just the latest insult..
The US involvement is like so many others- on an individual level, many kind and brave workers and soldiers risk their lives for the Haitian people- while the traditional policy machine formed during and schooled by a century of predation turns their gift into first a photo-op for the fig leaf, and then a tool of dominance. Only an utterly ahistorical person could be unaware of this oft-repeated ongoing dynamic, it seems to me.

 Haiti today is the clearest possible example of the end-point of the policies of predation with which the region has had to cope. There but through- what? an accident of inattention?- goes the rest.

Aristide "became unpopular" (do we really know what local opinion really was--or is? How? From whom?) because almost from the first day, he was thwarted and sabotaged by the regional predator. Like the Sandinistas or the Bolivarians, his every policy attempt, every nascent success was a threat to the world view those who still think of Haitians as quasi-human, or as cheap labor, in need of some stern paternal discipline.

And lest you think I speak from a comfortably safe haven of academic debate, I lived on the island of Hispaniola for a significant part of my 13 years in the area, in Puerto Plata, Gonaves, and Santo Domingo. I did reforestation research at Cabo Roho, built fishing boats at Puerto plata, and taught composites technology in Santiago.

Thanks for this, Fairleft. But Haiti is a story so heartbreakingly cruel I can almost not bear to discuss it.

Grabbing what you can, as John Ruskin said, isn't any less wicked when you grab it with the power of your brains than with the power of your fists.

by geezer in Paris (risico at wanadoo(flypoop)fr) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:29:10 AM EST
[ Parent ]
European Tribune - Haiti's neoliberal catastrophe, pre and post quake
The answer is that it was not the US but the efficient German and Japanese state machines which restored their countries.

As I like to point out communism in eastern Germany saved western Germany from being pillaged. In effect, US backed of and let western Germany rebuild itself.

A swedish kind of death:

History of Germany since 1945 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Industrial Disarmament in Western Germany

The initial proposal for the post-surrender policy of the Western powers, the so-called Morgenthau Plan proposed by Henry Morgenthau, Jr., was one of "pastoralization".[2] The Morgenthau Plan, though subsequently ostensibly shelved due to public opposition, influenced occupation policy; most notably through the U.S. punitive occupation directive JCS 1067[3][4] and The industrial plans for Germany[5][5] [6].

History of Germany since 1945 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The first plan was subsequently followed by a number of new ones, the last signed in 1949. By 1950, after the virtual completion of the by the then much watered-out plans, equipment had been removed from 706 manufacturing plants in the west and steel production capacity had been reduced by 6,700,000 tons.[12]

Timber exports from the U.S. occupation zone were particularly heavy. Sources in the U.S. government stated that the purpose of this was the "ultimate destruction of the war potential of German forests."[13] As a consequence of the practiced clear-felling extensive deforestation resulted which could "be replaced only by long forestry development over perhaps a century."[13]

With the beginning of the Cold war, the U.S. policy gradually changed as it became evident that a return to operation of West German industry was needed not only for the restoration of the whole European economy, but also for the rearmament of West Germany as an ally against the Soviet Union. They feared that the poverty and hunger would drive the West Germans to Communism. General Lucius Clay stated "There is no choice between being a communist on 1,500 calories a day and a believer in democracy on a thousand".

Still don't know if there was similar history in Japan.

I would comment more on topic, except it is to depressing. New Orleans, the tsunami-stricken areas, Haiti, the picture is similar - though much difference in degree - disasters strikes, poor are left to die or punished trying to escape or survive, more neoliberal reforms taking what little the poor got. And then you wait for the next disaster.

A vote for PES is a vote for EPP! A vote for EPP is a vote for PES! Support the coalition, vote EPP-PES in 2009!

by A swedish kind of death on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 06:40:15 AM EST
took place during the war. It was called fire bombing.

I think the same basic dynamic was in play in Japan post-war, anyway. The pre-war rapid industrialization bureaucracy, now constrained by a democratic constitution, was allowed a free hand to rapidly re-industrialize the country, as a counterweight to leftist unrest in Japan and to make sure Japan didn't go the way of China.

fairleft

by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 10:40:16 AM EST
[ Parent ]
... in Japan, with the role of East Germany being played in Japan by the Communist revolutionaries in China.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii
by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 01:14:03 PM EST
[ Parent ]
And the situation in the Korean peninsula...

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 04:26:39 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Yes, but recall how progressive reforms were imposed in the early years of occupation by MacArthur, of all people. A strong focus of MacArthur in the pro-labor-union elements of the reform constitution was the headway being made by the Communists in China, even before they pushed the Nationalists and allies into fleeing to their UN protectorate of the former Portuguese then Japanese colony of Taiwan.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii
by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 07:46:31 PM EST
[ Parent ]
"I would comment more on topic, except it is to depressing."

Yes. The Big Easy is the worst, for me, perhaps because it was so close to my heart and so close to home, then.

"--communism in eastern Germany saved western Germany from being pillaged."

In the longer view, I think the loss of the Soviet Union as a force for world balance, in the sense that you mention above,- as opposition to the capitalist, neo-liberal model of predation will be seen as a great disaster. I've caught a lot of flak for saying this, but time will tell.

Grabbing what you can, as John Ruskin said, isn't any less wicked when you grab it with the power of your brains than with the power of your fists.

by geezer in Paris (risico at wanadoo(flypoop)fr) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:38:52 AM EST
[ Parent ]
El Pais: Los ricos salen casi indemnes (19 January 2009)
Los habitantes del distrito privilegiado de Puerto Príncipe escapan del terremoto sin un rasguño - El mercado negro no conoce la escasez

Conforme se asciende por la colina de Montagne Noire, en el distrito de Pétion Ville, van quedando atrás el polvo, la miseria y la muerte que asedian Puerto Príncipe. Por el camino se ve alguna tubería rota y la gente aprovecha para asearse. Pero a los más ricos de la capital de Haití el terremoto apenas les afectó.

The wealthy emerge almost unscathed (19 January 2009)
The inhabitants of the privileged district of Port au Prince escape the earthquake without a scratch - The black market knows no scarcity

As one climbs the hill of Montagne Noire, in the district of Pétion Ville, the dirt, misery and death besieging Port au Prince are left behind. Along the way the odd broken pipe can be seen and people take advantage of it to wash themselves. But the wealthiest in Haiti's capital were barely affected.

Considering that government buildings and the sites of western NGOs and the UN were demolished, I wonder whether "the wealthy of Port au Prince" had so much better buildings than everyone else, or whether the damage was less because of the terrain.

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 08:39:58 AM EST
... the wealthy live in exclusive neighborhoods, not the central city itself ... and of course the local wealthy include the ones who skim off money from the international organizations and NGO's through shoddy construction, so its not like they don't know what to look for to prevent the same being done to them.


Utsukushikereba sore de ii
by BruceMcF (agila61 at netscape dot net) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 01:16:36 PM EST
[ Parent ]
The great intellekshual of the New York Times, exposed:

http://trueslant.com/matttaibbi/2010/01/18/translating-david-brooks-haiti/

fairleft

by fairleft (fairleftatyahoodotcom) on Tue Jan 19th, 2010 at 10:52:25 AM EST
Matt Taibbi is a national treasure.

Too young to be that perceptive. Bah! Whippersnapper!

Grabbing what you can, as John Ruskin said, isn't any less wicked when you grab it with the power of your brains than with the power of your fists.

by geezer in Paris (risico at wanadoo(flypoop)fr) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:47:53 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Translating David Brooks - Matt Taibbi - Taibblog - True/Slant
Not many writers would have the courage to use a tragic event like a 50,000-fatality earthquake to volubly address the problem of nonwhite laziness and why it sometimes makes natural disasters seem timely, but then again, David Brooks isn't just any writer.

Now ain't that true.

by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 04:08:36 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I see a bleak future for Haiti. A country with a market and without a state. The dream of any neoliberal.

Ad Astra, ga

by ga on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:18:26 PM EST
What, like Somalia? That use to be the dream of American Libertarians...

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:21:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Perhaps with a little twist. It seems like a good part of Haitian income comes from Haitians in the US. So this reminds me of the homelands of times past.
The landscapes that the South African Apartheid regime wanted to sell to the world as sovereign states :-)

Ad astra, ga

by ga on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 03:51:36 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Or Liberia...the very name speaks volumes....

Modern conservatives engage in one of man's oldest exercises in moral philosophy: the search for a superior moral justification for selfishness.Galbraith
by ChrisCook (cojockathotmaildotcom) on Thu Jan 21st, 2010 at 06:23:12 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Liberia was settled by freed slaves from the US - the capital is Monrovia after US President Monroe.

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Jan 21st, 2010 at 06:44:39 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Similarly with Sierra Leone whose capital is called Freetown for that reason.

En un viejo país ineficiente, algo así como España entre dos guerras civiles, poseer una casa y poca hacienda y memoria ninguna. -- Gil de Biedma
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Jan 21st, 2010 at 06:45:40 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Welcome to ET, ga!
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jan 20th, 2010 at 04:06:35 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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