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Uber Or Not Uber?

by afew Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 05:59:08 AM EST

EconoMonitor has a couple of posts up that present a view of German export power that differs from the one generally held here. Thomas Grennes & Andris Strazds ask if Germany is Übercompetitive:

EconoMonitor : EconoMonitor » Is Germany Übercompetitive and Should it Accept Higher Inflation?

...while Germany has been running a large current account surplus, such countries as Spain, Portugal and Greece and to a lesser extent Italy have been living with current account deficits for many years, the flip side of the coin being that the deficits have been financed by borrowing from abroad. Thus the southern European countries have been accumulating more and more foreign debt, both public and private or, in other words, their net international investment positions have deteriorated. However, this does not tell the whole story. Let us look at how the competitiveness of Germany and southern European countries evolved during last decade by examining the development of their market shares in global merchandise exports since 2000.

The first chart offered by Grennes and Strazds:

Germany's global market share has been trending downwards, less than but all the same like those of the GISP countries. In percentage terms, compared with other major exporters:


Germany has, roughly speaking, maintained its global share (from 8.6% in 2000, to 8.2% in 2011). In the context of increased world trade with rising competition from emerging economies, managing to approximately maintain its share could be seen as a consequence of a Euro-advantage: "that Germany is benefiting from an undervalued exchange rate" (Grennes/Strazds). So another comparison:

As evidence that Germany has derived no advantage from the euro, this appears inconclusive -- except possibly for the comparison with Eurozone Finland and to some extent euro-pegged Denmark. As for whether Germany derived an advantage from its terms of trade with southern Eurozone countries:

EconoMonitor : EconoMonitor » Is Germany Übercompetitive and Should it Accept Higher Inflation?

As can be seen in the chart below, Germany has been losing market share in southern Europe during last decade.

One would like to see this in trade volumes rather than share, and above all a breakdown of energy imports which may well have increased their share at the expense of other merchandise imports.

Finally, a table of Germany's principal partners:

(For Netherlands, read Rotterdam, ie, a great deal of these goods go through NL in transit. For Belgium, think of Antwerp.)

Grennes and Strazds conclude:

EconoMonitor : EconoMonitor » Is Germany Übercompetitive and Should it Accept Higher Inflation?

While the role of capital inflows in sustaining the current account deficits in southern Europe is obvious and Spain, Portugal, Greece and even Italy had relatively low ratios of exports to GDP at the advent of the euro, it is wrong to say both that the export sectors of southern European countries have experienced a huge loss of competitiveness during last decade and that this has happened as a result of their inability to devalue. In fact, the loss of global export market shares by southern European countries since 2000 has been comparable with that experienced by large developed trading nations while changes in market shares over a longer period of time are not correlated with the currency regime chosen by a country (Aghion and Durlauf).

The above also means that the cure suggested for the Eurozone in the form of higher inflation in the “core” countries might actually rather turn out to be poison. For example, what would be the result of German ULC going up significantly? That would inevitably result in loss of competitiveness and market share in global exports. However, the German market share in global exports is 8.2% while the combined market share of Italy and Spain is about 4.6%. Given the relatively lower weight of southern Europe in the global exports, the gains in competitiveness by Italy and Spain as a result of zero inflation there are unlikely to be big enough to offset the losses by Germany. Thus, not only Germany, but the Eurozone as a whole would be worse off as a result.

Rebecca Wilder, meanwhile, also looks at the broader picture.

EconoMonitor : The Wilder View » Euro Area Imbalances Are a Symptom of the Broader Global Imbalances

Some call the EA a microcosm of the world imbalances, i.e., Germany is to China as Spain is to the US. I disagree. I’d argue that the EA imbalances are a function of, rather than a mirror of, the broader global imbalances.

The chart below illustrates the change in the annual intra-EA trade balance as a share of GDP during the period 1999 to 2011. Spanning the years 1999-2011, intra-EA gains from the fixed exchange rate regime within the EA have been lopsided toward Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands.

EconoMonitor : The Wilder View » Euro Area Imbalances Are a Symptom of the Broader Global Imbalances

Who are the winners of intra-EA trade spanning the entirety of the Euro Area? As demonstrated above, not many countries. The gains from trade came primarily from net exports from developed economies outside the EA

(...)

Of note, France performed poorly on both counts: intra- and total net trade, -3.2% and -4.9% of GDP, respectively. In contrast, Germany performed relatively well. Being the largest economies in the EA, and given that the absolute value of the total trade balances (either deficit or surplus) exceed that of their respective intra-EA balances, I hypothesize that the global imbalances exacerbated, even caused, the EA imbalances.

Comment, discuss, critique, etc, as usual.

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Is Germany not after all a giant bestriding the earth, or are these posts cherry-picking and hit-you-between-the-eyes charts?
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 06:08:52 AM EST
The conclusion that higher German inflation would lead to net loss of Eurozone export share vs. RoW is clearly spurious, because higher German inflation would be countered by a depreciation of the Euro against RoW.

I would also really, really like to see those "export share" charts normalized to share of global GDP. If China has an increasing share of global GDP, then it is hardly surprising that it has an increasing share of global exports, and if it has an increasing share of global exports, then somebody else must have a declining share. This is not necessarily evidence of a loss of "competitiveness."

- Jake

If you only spend 20 minutes of the rest of your life on economics, go spend them here.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 06:16:23 AM EST
Key question that this whole thing doesn't address is that the export of hot money from Germany to the periphery was effectively an export of inflation from Germany to the periphery. Since Germany wants to put the discussion into a moral frame, the question is not whether returning the inflation to it's creators is economically a good idea, but whether it is morally just for the periphery to pay the price for Germany inflation.

Separately, as Jake notes, assuming inflation doesn't affect the exchange rate is a nasty sleight of hand in the conclusion that "inflation is poison."

Not sure where to go with the Wilder report - seems like Portugal has done fine on both graphs - better than Germany overall - but the crisis has come to Portugal not Germany... My guess is that these aggregate figures don't tell us much about mechanisms.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 06:55:57 AM EST
JakeS:
The conclusion that higher German inflation would lead to net loss of Eurozone export share vs. RoW is clearly spurious, because higher German inflation would be countered by a depreciation of the Euro against RoW.

Metatone:

assuming inflation doesn't affect the exchange rate is a nasty sleight of hand

Looking at it the other way round, Eurointelligence cites an FT article (behind subs wall) in which Martin Feldstein proposes that the ECB loosen up till the euro is down to roughly parity with USD. This would help exports from the peripheral countries and "would also have the benefit of raising German wages, a contribution of reducing the persistent imbalances" (Eurointelligence).

A depreciation of the euro would cause higher inflation in Germany (and vice-versa).

by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 07:11:19 AM EST
[ Parent ]
And we repeat the trade wars of the 1930ies by means of the printing press.

Furthermore, are you sure wages in the periphery will stay down?

by oliver on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 08:49:52 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Well if we're going to claim that trade with the RoW is the main factor and that looking at the graphs, China is the big issue - we need to acknowledge that they are already using currency control as a weapon of trade war.
by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:01:35 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Are you worried about sticky wages?

With unemployment high and rising, especially youth unemployment, it seems like periphery wages should not be under pressure to rise.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:04:29 AM EST
[ Parent ]
For the moment, the only act of trade war in the Eurozone has been German internal devaluation.
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:21:17 AM EST
[ Parent ]
And we repeat the trade wars of the 1930ies by means of the printing press.

The key pathology of the trade wars of the 1930s was that the means by which they were waged (tariffs and austerity) created a deficiency of aggregate demand.

Competitive devaluation, by contrast, only creates inflation, which is beneficial in the present economic situation (as it would have been in the 1930s.

Furthermore, are you sure wages in the periphery will stay down?

I should hope not, because unit labor costs are unsustainably low and need to rise.

- Jake

If you only spend 20 minutes of the rest of your life on economics, go spend them here.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 11:21:43 AM EST
[ Parent ]
My guess is that these aggregate figures don't tell us much about mechanisms.

Looking a 1999-2011 changes doesn't tell you much. Yes, the 1999 date is not arbitrary as it corresponds with the start of the Euro, but the path is important because different countries built up imbalances and responded to the crisis differently.

Here are some charts:

That "external deficit" is a current account deficit, not a trade deficit. If it is negative it's a surplus and it represents the purchase of net foreign assets.

Did Portugal do that much better than Germany?

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 08:05:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]
It may be just me again, but I can't see these images.
by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:02:39 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Try again?

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:13:16 AM EST
[ Parent ]
So I tried opening the image in a new window:

403. That's an error.

Your client does not have permission to get URL /nylLZ4FADf_MMCUNbq191xnKvL182lYmb6sOi2PXTmvZAaVMJnmL6bgDC74fGiDosLVyK8Y0jg from this server. (Client IP address: 109.149.34.59)

Forbidden That's all we know.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:16:19 AM EST
[ Parent ]
https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/nylLZ4FADf_MMCUNbq191xnKvL182lYmb6sOi2PXTmvZAaVMJnmL6bgDC74fGiDosL VyK8Y0jg

is the image URL according to Google Chrome.

(I'm using Safari, but I tried in a different browser to check.)

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:17:53 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Same problem with FireFox.
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:22:21 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Not even on refresh.
by afew (afew(a in a circle)eurotrib_dot_com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 09:17:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 10:03:02 AM EST
[ Parent ]
So - private savings and external deficits...
by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 10:04:08 AM EST
[ Parent ]
This series of charts rather dramatically shows the effect of the introduction of the Euro on member states! Within a year or two of the introduction of the Euro German private savings turn and remain strongly positive while its external deficit turns to surplus and remains in surplus. Meanwhile, in Portugal and Spain, large external deficits remain, financed by public and private borrowing which unfold on separate time scales. The shifts from private borrowing to public borrowing in both countries are likely to consist of state bailouts of privately held bank debt in 2008. It would be helpful were there to be private savings data, at the minimum, for the period before 2000.

As the Dutch said while fighting the Spanish: "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
by ARGeezer (ARGeezer a in a circle eurotrib daught com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 10:35:09 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Eurostat doesn't have private sector balance data - in these charts the primary data is the government balance and the current account. The fact that the three add up to zero allows one to impute the private sector balance.

See Parenteau: Leading PIIGS to Slaughter, Part 2 (March 2, 2010)

Also: Reducing Economic Imbalances in the Euro Area Some Remarks on the Current Stability Programs, 2011-14 (Levy Institute Working Paper No. 694 | October 2011)

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 11:42:19 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Did Eurostat only come into being with the creation of the Euro? I have a general understanding of three sector national accounting. I was just noting that the charts would be more revealing were data for private and public sector domestic debt/savings included back to the start of the charts. Is such data readily available from other sources?

As the Dutch said while fighting the Spanish: "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
by ARGeezer (ARGeezer a in a circle eurotrib daught com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 12:08:13 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Hmm, I just found European Sector accounts which
group together economic subjects with similar behaviour into institutional sectors, such as:
  • Households
  • Non-financial corporations
  • Financial corporations
  • Government
Grouping economic subjects in this way greatly helps to understand the functioning of the economy.

The compilation of quarterly European sector accounts is the outcome of a close collaboration by Eurostat, the European Central Bank (ECB), the national statistical institutes and the national central banks in the European Union.

They produce quarterly figures for the euro area (17 countries) or whole EU (27 countries), released four months afterwards.

The euro area accounts are available at the Eurostat website, Eurostat data and at the European Central Bank (ECB). Detailed figures for non-financial accounts of the European Union are only available on the Eurostat website.

Wow.

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 02:19:50 PM EST
[ Parent ]
That data is about what Steve Keen would need for his multi-sectoral model using linear differential equations. Keen models a wage sector, a banking sector, a business sector and a government sector. Unfortunately, I cannot now find the clearest exposition of this approach, which was on the old website. In the link above the model is several screens down.

As the Dutch said while fighting the Spanish: "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
by ARGeezer (ARGeezer a in a circle eurotrib daught com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 05:24:21 PM EST
[ Parent ]
And look at the chart for the aggregate Eurozone balances:

In case anyone is still under the delusion that this crisis is entirely an internal redistribution crisis of the Eurozone.

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 02:16:50 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I'm not sure I understand this graph + your comment.

Am I misreading that the external deficit has been low and is currently basically zero?

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 03:21:47 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I meant under the delusion that this crisis is not entirely an internal redistribution crisis of the Eurozone.

Gah.

If you are not convinced, try it on someone who has not been entirely debauched by economics. — Piero Sraffa

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 03:23:15 PM EST
[ Parent ]
On one account the USA and China are the major culprits. China's opening to the west began with the USA and US economic elites have been following a strategy of 'off-shoring' manufacturing even longer. Ross Perot was right about the 'giant sucking sound', erring primarily in its source, which he misidentified as Mexico rather than China. Once the world's largest economy had decided to self-canibalize its manufacturing base in the overall interest of continuing and even increasing the concentration of wealth at the top, which required that such a massive and destructive strategy be sufficiently well sold to the US electorate that it would not be successfully opposed, other countries had to adapt to this 'policy'.

China was not the root of the problem. US 'off-shoring' had begun well before this with a well established pattern of sending US jobs to low wage countries where possible. This further weakened the position of US organized labor by increasingly making it irrelevant. Thatcher had begun a similar program in the U.K. before China became a viable alternative destination for UK jobs.

Absent any effective protection for domestic labor in high wage countries, 'globalization' became the latest way in which 'the market' could shred and atomize intact societies so that the elites could successfully pick over and acquire the high value items while letting the rest rot. Economic elites in other high wage countries were mostly eager to join the fray. But German elites found a way to do so while preserving, at least considerably longer, its domestic manufacturing base.

By western standards manufacturing in China virtually eliminated the cost of wages, and with the policy of the Chinese government becoming one of fostering export growth by any and all means as the foundation of their domestic economy China became the primary destination for high wage jobs world wide. Increasingly, the technical knowledge on which those jobs are based has been transferred to China as well. This process now includes Germany, as Putzmeister shows.

As the Dutch said while fighting the Spanish: "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."

by ARGeezer (ARGeezer a in a circle eurotrib daught com) on Wed Jul 25th, 2012 at 10:13:10 AM EST
By western standards manufacturing in China virtually eliminated the cost of wages, and with the policy of the Chinese government becoming one of fostering export growth by any and all means as the foundation of their domestic economy China became the primary destination for high wage jobs world wide. Increasingly, the technical knowledge on which those jobs are based has been transferred to China as well. This process now includes Germany, as Putzmeister shows.

China is about to hit a wall. Like all industrializing countries, it has hit that interesting point in its development where factor driven growth, in this case low labor costs, just isn't going to work anymore. At this point the minimum wage in Guangdong (the heart of China's export industries) is somewhere between $0.80 and $1.20 depending on the number of hours you figure for a month.  And it's increasing by 10%+ annually.  If you figure that the yuan is undervalued by 40% or so to the USD, then you get something like $1.33-$2/hour.  Extend 10% annual increase out to 2020 and you get something like $2.85-$4.29/hr

Compare that to Vietnam, where the equivalent 2012 wage is something like $0.15-$0.23/hr.  The chief advantage that China has at the moment is excellent infrastructure, but as the price of labor increases that is going to wane. Roads are expensive, but not that expensive to build. I forsee a round of stagflation for China in the near future as wage rates climb while growth rates fall.  If China can successfully  make the transition to an advanced economy, then I think that the ability of businesses to threaten to relocate to low wage countries is going to be significantly muted. That argument depends on a pool of low wage labor located in regions with the infrastructure needed to facilitate exporting.  Move China from the supply to the demand side of that equation, and the whole dynamic changes.  

And I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage-Billy Bragg

by ManfromMiddletown (manfrommiddletown at lycos dot com) on Thu Jul 26th, 2012 at 02:15:35 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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