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La loi du 3 avril 1955 «instituant un état d'urgence et en déclarant l'application en Algérie»
The link includes all the ammendments introduced over the past half century.
BTW. The German press is having just as much of a field day as their American colleagues. And, dare I mention this, the French press is pretty worked up as well, including some pretty over the top things (op ed title in Libe 'Banlieues: Mai '68 ou Weimar')
How about skipping the defensiveness and focusing on the real problems that these riots highlight rather than minimizing their importance and complaining that foreign coverage is unfair - even when it is.
Fébrilité, par Jean-Marie Colombani La défense de la loi républicaine est la mission première d'un gouvernement. Face à une situation qui suscite une exaspération légitime parmi les habitants de ces quartiers de banlieue livrés aux exactions de quelques groupes de jeunes (ou de très jeunes), un constat s'impose : les élus, les habitants, les pompiers et les forces de police font preuve d'un calme exemplaire. Enforcing the law is the first mission of a government. Facing a situation which legitimately exasperates the inhabitants of these suburbs because of the actions of small groups of young - or very young - kids, one thing must be noted: the elected representatives, the population, the firemen and the police have shown an exemplary calm. Face à cette maîtrise collective, alors que les biens sont mis à rude épreuve, le premier ministre semble, lui, perdre son sang-froid. Le voilà qui restaure une législation d'exception. L'état d'urgence. Une loi conçue au temps des "événements d'Algérie", à l'un des pires moments de notre vie publique. Un choix qui témoigne que Dominique de Villepin n'a pas encore les nerfs d'un homme d'Etat. In view of the collective dipslay of self-control when our cities are being damaged, the prime minister seems to be losing it. Here he is reinstating an exceptional law. State of emergency. A law created at the time of the Algerian war, one of the worst periods of our country. This choice shows that Villepin does not have the nerve of a Statesman. Le mouvement en cours est insaisissable. Il n'a pas de "revendications", encore moins un discours construit : le moindre incident peut donc conduire au pire. Le couple "fermeté-justice" énoncé par Nicolas Sarkozy (la première appliquée avec retenue, la seconde ayant besoin d'être crédibilisée par des mesures à long terme) est de nature à rassembler le pays. Que des maires, qui en ont le pouvoir, décrètent ici ou là un "couvre-feu" est compréhensible. The current events are hard to graps. There are no claims, even less of a political discourse: any incident can lead to the worst consequences. The twin "toughness- fairness" goals stated by Sarkozy (the first applied with measure, the second requiring to be made credible by long term programmes) can legitimately bring the country together. That mayors, locally, also decide to set a curfew is also understandable. Mais exhumer une loi de 1955, c'est envoyer aux jeunes des banlieues un message d'une sidérante brutalité : à cinquante ans de distance, la France entend les traiter comme leurs grands-parents. Le premier ministre devrait se rappeler que cet engrenage d'incompréhension, de fébrilité martiale et d'impuissance avait alors conduit la République aux pires déboires. But to bring out a law dating back to 1955 means sending the kids in the banlieues an incredibly violent message: 50 years later, France will treat them like their grandparents. The prime minister should remember that this spiral of misunderstanding, nervous toughness and powerlessness had led our Republic to dire consequences.
La défense de la loi républicaine est la mission première d'un gouvernement. Face à une situation qui suscite une exaspération légitime parmi les habitants de ces quartiers de banlieue livrés aux exactions de quelques groupes de jeunes (ou de très jeunes), un constat s'impose : les élus, les habitants, les pompiers et les forces de police font preuve d'un calme exemplaire.
Enforcing the law is the first mission of a government. Facing a situation which legitimately exasperates the inhabitants of these suburbs because of the actions of small groups of young - or very young - kids, one thing must be noted: the elected representatives, the population, the firemen and the police have shown an exemplary calm.
Face à cette maîtrise collective, alors que les biens sont mis à rude épreuve, le premier ministre semble, lui, perdre son sang-froid. Le voilà qui restaure une législation d'exception. L'état d'urgence. Une loi conçue au temps des "événements d'Algérie", à l'un des pires moments de notre vie publique. Un choix qui témoigne que Dominique de Villepin n'a pas encore les nerfs d'un homme d'Etat.
In view of the collective dipslay of self-control when our cities are being damaged, the prime minister seems to be losing it. Here he is reinstating an exceptional law. State of emergency. A law created at the time of the Algerian war, one of the worst periods of our country. This choice shows that Villepin does not have the nerve of a Statesman.
Le mouvement en cours est insaisissable. Il n'a pas de "revendications", encore moins un discours construit : le moindre incident peut donc conduire au pire. Le couple "fermeté-justice" énoncé par Nicolas Sarkozy (la première appliquée avec retenue, la seconde ayant besoin d'être crédibilisée par des mesures à long terme) est de nature à rassembler le pays. Que des maires, qui en ont le pouvoir, décrètent ici ou là un "couvre-feu" est compréhensible.
The current events are hard to graps. There are no claims, even less of a political discourse: any incident can lead to the worst consequences. The twin "toughness- fairness" goals stated by Sarkozy (the first applied with measure, the second requiring to be made credible by long term programmes) can legitimately bring the country together. That mayors, locally, also decide to set a curfew is also understandable.
Mais exhumer une loi de 1955, c'est envoyer aux jeunes des banlieues un message d'une sidérante brutalité : à cinquante ans de distance, la France entend les traiter comme leurs grands-parents. Le premier ministre devrait se rappeler que cet engrenage d'incompréhension, de fébrilité martiale et d'impuissance avait alors conduit la République aux pires déboires.
But to bring out a law dating back to 1955 means sending the kids in the banlieues an incredibly violent message: 50 years later, France will treat them like their grandparents. The prime minister should remember that this spiral of misunderstanding, nervous toughness and powerlessness had led our Republic to dire consequences.
The instability and ineffectiveness problems of the Fourth Republic came to a head in 1958, when the current government suggested that it would negotiate with the Algerian nationalists. Right-wing elements in the French Army, led by General Jacques Massu seized power in Algiers and threatened to conduct a parachute assault on Paris unless Charles de Gaulle, the WWII hero, was placed in charge of the Republic. De Gaulle did so under the precondition that a new constitution would be introduced creating a powerful presidency. These changes were introduced and the Fifth Republic was born.
I seem to remember that Sarkozy made some pretty inflammatory statements in the past few days? How is it that this editorial now says that Sarkozy is the moderate trying to bring the country together?
Didn´t you say something about "local police stations" discontinued under Sarkozy? Moreover, did Sarkozy make any suggestions to deal with the situation without invoking a state of emergency? If not, then he is as responsible as Villepin....
De Villepin attacked for imposing riot law Dominique de Villepin, France's prime minister, was accused on Tuesday of losing his sang-froid after resorting to a state of emergency to quell riots that have set the suburbs of France's biggest cities alight during the past 12 days. (...) Le Monde, the newspaper of France's political elite, accused the prime minister of sending a message of "staggering brutality" to the youth of the suburbs, who are for the most part children and grandchildren of African immigrants. By invoking a law created in 1955 to put down unrest during the Algerian war of independence, Le Monde said, Mr de Villepin had "lost his sang-froid" and was sending the message that "France intends to treat them [the French-born children of immigrants] as it did their grandparents. The prime minister should remember that this spiral of incomprehension, of martial fever and powerlessness has driven the republic to its worst setbacks". (...) While France's political parties support the government's decision to impose a state of emergency to restore order - albeit with some reservations - a number of deputies and mayors said on Tuesday they would refuse to implement the measures. André Labarrère, a Socialist senator and mayor of the south-western city of Pau, said he was "totally opposed" to the state of emergency. "It is a form of discrimination that will be very badly received." Jean-Marc Ayrault president of the Socialist party, said the opposition was prepared to accept the measures because of the urgent need to restore order. However, he warned against using the state of emergency, which will be in place for the next 12 days, as a smokescreen to cover up deeper social problems. It was "first and foremost a social state of emergency", he said. "The young people in revolt are the lost children of a liberal society."
Dominique de Villepin, France's prime minister, was accused on Tuesday of losing his sang-froid after resorting to a state of emergency to quell riots that have set the suburbs of France's biggest cities alight during the past 12 days.
(...)
Le Monde, the newspaper of France's political elite, accused the prime minister of sending a message of "staggering brutality" to the youth of the suburbs, who are for the most part children and grandchildren of African immigrants.
By invoking a law created in 1955 to put down unrest during the Algerian war of independence, Le Monde said, Mr de Villepin had "lost his sang-froid" and was sending the message that "France intends to treat them [the French-born children of immigrants] as it did their grandparents. The prime minister should remember that this spiral of incomprehension, of martial fever and powerlessness has driven the republic to its worst setbacks".
While France's political parties support the government's decision to impose a state of emergency to restore order - albeit with some reservations - a number of deputies and mayors said on Tuesday they would refuse to implement the measures.
André Labarrère, a Socialist senator and mayor of the south-western city of Pau, said he was "totally opposed" to the state of emergency. "It is a form of discrimination that will be very badly received."
Jean-Marc Ayrault president of the Socialist party, said the opposition was prepared to accept the measures because of the urgent need to restore order. However, he warned against using the state of emergency, which will be in place for the next 12 days, as a smokescreen to cover up deeper social problems. It was "first and foremost a social state of emergency", he said. "The young people in revolt are the lost children of a liberal society."
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