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These are the CBO tax incidence figures for 2001:
Effective tax rates by quintile (1st to 5th, then overall average)
Individual Income Tax: -5.6, 0.3, 3.8, 7.2, 16.3; 10.4
Corporate Income Tax: 0.3, 0.4, 0.7, 0.7, 2.8; 1.8
Social Insurance Income Taxes: 8.3, 9.4, 9.5, 10.4, 7.1; 8.4
All Federal Taxes (includes Excise and "other" ... income taxes are about 92% of the total, and indirect taxes about 8%):
5.2, 11.5, 15.1, 19.2, 26.7; 21.4.
So the tax incidence on the top quintile is about 1.2 times the tax incidence on average. And the payroll taxes are not "maybe they are regressive maybe they are not", they are regressive. That is the segment of the income tax system that has replaced the progressive corporate income tax.
And why is the top 20% of income earners, recipients of more than 50% of income in 2001, the recipients of that income? Because they are disproportionate beneficiaries of the present system. That is why they hold more than 90% of financial wealth in the US.
The purpose of taxation is to prevent the inflation that would occur if the government were to spend and inject purchasing power without then taxing and destroying all or some of that purchasing power.
The heaviest penalty of inflation falls on holders of financial assetts, which are the wealthy. Since the taxation exists first and foremost to protect their wealth from runaway inflation, it is only fair for them to pay a higher effective rate of tax than those who hold little wealth.
And indeed, if they hold in excess of 90% of wealth and only pay 75% of total income tax, they are getting their wealth protection at a discount. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
Does the tax cap make the system regressive? Much of the sentiment to raise the cap comes from the perception that the Social Security tax is regressive. People with earnings above the cap pay less tax proportionally to their income than people below it. This is true because the tax is a flat rate of 12.4 percent on all earners (employer and employee share combined). But for the vast segment of the workforce -- the roughly 95 percent of workers whose earnings fall below the cap -- the tax is a proportional one. Some would suggest that the tax is modestly progressive within this group because the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)--which lowers income taxes for qualified persons--was partially intended to offset the Social Security bite on low-income workers.[4] People also overlook the fact that Social Security taxable earnings lead to Social Security benefits, which are derived by applying a progressive formula to the earnings record on which the tax was levied. While the highest covered earners pay lower Social Security taxes as a proportion of their income, they also receive the lowest return for their tax dollars. Thus, it can be argued that the regressivity of the tax is offset by the progressiveness of the benefits. A recent analysis done by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) shows that people born in the 1940s, with lifetime earnings in the lowest fifth of the income ladder, can expect to get lifetime benefits equal to twice their lifetime taxes. In contrast, people in the highest fifth of the income ladder would get benefits equal to only 60 percent of their lifetime taxes (see following table). It is interesting to note that because of the tax-to-benefit link, the most ardent supporters of the social insurance nature of Social Security reject the idea of taxing all earnings. They fear two things: that the low returns on the additional tax dollars that high earners would pay will give further impetus to allowing people to opt out of Social Security, thereby crippling the system for those who remain, and that enormous and, in some eyes, unconscionably high benefits would be paid to people with large amounts, perhaps millions of dollars, in other income. But to tax them further without paying those benefits would only intensify the pressures for an optional system, or for shifting to a means-tested general revenue financed system. Comparison of Lifetime Payroll Taxes and Benefits (Workers Born in 10-Year Period 1940-49) Average lifetime payroll taxes Average lifetime benefits Ratio of lifetime taxes to lifetime benefits All workers born from 1940-49 177,000 137,000 1.29 to 1 Lowest fifth of earners 28,000 58,000 0.48 to 1 Middle fifth of earners 175,000 142,000 1.23 to 1 Highest fifth of earners 348,000 214,000 1.63 to 1 Source: CBO, Updated Long-term Social Security Projections, March 2005. Taxes and benefits are expressed in present values as of age 60. Thus, whether the tax cap is fair is more complicated than simply alleging that its existence creates a regressive incidence of taxation.
Much of the sentiment to raise the cap comes from the perception that the Social Security tax is regressive. People with earnings above the cap pay less tax proportionally to their income than people below it. This is true because the tax is a flat rate of 12.4 percent on all earners (employer and employee share combined). But for the vast segment of the workforce -- the roughly 95 percent of workers whose earnings fall below the cap -- the tax is a proportional one. Some would suggest that the tax is modestly progressive within this group because the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)--which lowers income taxes for qualified persons--was partially intended to offset the Social Security bite on low-income workers.[4]
People also overlook the fact that Social Security taxable earnings lead to Social Security benefits, which are derived by applying a progressive formula to the earnings record on which the tax was levied. While the highest covered earners pay lower Social Security taxes as a proportion of their income, they also receive the lowest return for their tax dollars. Thus, it can be argued that the regressivity of the tax is offset by the progressiveness of the benefits.
A recent analysis done by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) shows that people born in the 1940s, with lifetime earnings in the lowest fifth of the income ladder, can expect to get lifetime benefits equal to twice their lifetime taxes. In contrast, people in the highest fifth of the income ladder would get benefits equal to only 60 percent of their lifetime taxes (see following table).
It is interesting to note that because of the tax-to-benefit link, the most ardent supporters of the social insurance nature of Social Security reject the idea of taxing all earnings. They fear two things: that the low returns on the additional tax dollars that high earners would pay will give further impetus to allowing people to opt out of Social Security, thereby crippling the system for those who remain, and that enormous and, in some eyes, unconscionably high benefits would be paid to people with large amounts, perhaps millions of dollars, in other income. But to tax them further without paying those benefits would only intensify the pressures for an optional system, or for shifting to a means-tested general revenue financed system.
Comparison of Lifetime Payroll Taxes and Benefits (Workers Born in 10-Year Period 1940-49)
Average lifetime payroll taxes Average lifetime benefits Ratio of lifetime taxes to lifetime benefits All workers born from 1940-49 177,000 137,000 1.29 to 1
Lowest fifth of earners 28,000 58,000 0.48 to 1 Middle fifth of earners 175,000 142,000 1.23 to 1 Highest fifth of earners 348,000 214,000 1.63 to 1 Source: CBO, Updated Long-term Social Security Projections, March 2005. Taxes and benefits are expressed in present values as of age 60.
Thus, whether the tax cap is fair is more complicated than simply alleging that its existence creates a regressive incidence of taxation.
An actual, real, funded pension is based on the underlying fact that the organization holding the pension liability cannot simply issue new money, but must intermediate money already in existence in order to meet its contractual obligations.
The government is under no such finance constraint with respect to its own fiat-currency. Its domestic constraints are real, not financial ... the ability and willingness of others to produce goods and services in return for purchasing power, for one, and the impact of its actions on employment, price stability, national economic development, distribution of opportunity, and distribution of income.
Thus when the government holds in one hand as an asset a liability on itself, which it promises to pay out of the other hand with a financial asset consisting of its own liability of a different kind, it is on the one hand not funding anything, in any real sense, and on the other hand there is in itself no intrinsic financial harm to the interests of the future beneficiaries (unlike the Enron analogy), since it is not in the position of requiring an asset base.
Social Security is PAYGO on its own functions direct transfer between the current generations paying in and the generation(s) receiving payment. Since the 1980's, it also collects a surplus on top to shift the tax burden from progressive corporate income taxes to regressive payroll taxes.
And it does so because the top 20% of income earners have more than 50% of the annual income, and since they have more than 90% of the total financial wealth, on average it seems likely that they have more than 90% of the income available to be saved (including of course the income from holding wealth which creates a self-perpetuating aristocracy of wealth). And with that comes the ability to buy the policies that allow them to take a free ride on everyone else.
Certainly under the current US regime's economic underdevelopment policies, with a current account deficit exceeding 6% of GDP, there is not an abundance of aggregate Saving available to offer the entire population the opportunity at wealth accumulation, and given Corporate income earners first crack at retaining earnings for corporate savings and wealth-income's inside track on being recycled into wealth accumulation, there is very little Aggregate Saving available annually to the remainder of the population to allow them to acquire financial wealth. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
And yes it pushes the burden down to the younger generations, particularly with the baby boom bulge getting ready to retire.
But as the article I quoted points out, SS is just not regressive. I think it's even worse than the article points out, since the higher wage earners have their SS payment deducted from their earnings; then they pay the higher federal (and state) income taxes on that money they didn't get; then they get 60% of the money they put in; and they pay taxes again on that 60%. If you do the math on that at a 35% tax rate, it shows they lost their entire SS contributions--40% they just don't get, and the 60% they do get got eaten up by the two tax bites. I'm not crying for the high income earners here,,,I'm very comfortable with this redistribution of income. I just don't like people pretending it's a regressive tax that benefits the high income earners--that's just not true.
If you are also suggesting the rest of the budget should be balanced over the years, I agree with that. There are a number of ways that could have been achieved--lower government spending, higher personal income taxes, higher corporate income tax, more excize taxes, etc. etc. I don't agree with your choice of a higher corporate tax, because of the economics arguement that you are taxing the money twice. The corporation pays money on the earnings, and then what is distributed as dividends (as opposed to reinvested in "real assets" <snark> in the business), is taxed again.
So we double tax social security as I showed above (which I agree with as social policy), we double tax with the "death tax" (which I agree with as social policy as long as the levels are adjusted upward, which i expect will be the compromise in 2010), and we double tax corporate earnings (which I don't agree with, not on the basis of social policy, but on the basis of not allowing free markets to operate to the overall benefit of our society).
The idea that the government has to "fund" spending of one class of its own "IOU"s by either demanding some of its IOUs back or by issuing a different class of its "IOU"s in order to bribe holders of large amounts of its IOUs to hand them over is a quaint holdover from previous economic systems.
There is, however, no reason for it to "fund" future entitlements in financial terms, because the constraint on whether it can meet future entitlements is not a financial constraint. If there is adequate productive capacity to provide the goods and services, at terms of transfer that the working generations of that day can live with in return for the promise that they will be taken care of when they retire in turn, there is no problem.
Buying private sector securities is simply a means of inflating the value of those securities and provide additional commission income to those in the financial sector. That funding can never actually be allowed to be drawn down, because then that would depress the value of private securities.
If the government wishes to hold a claim on the private income stream of corporations, there is no reason to engage in a transfer of value from the lower 80% to the top 20% to do so. Regressive income transfers increase economic volatility, increasing the size of both economic upturns and downturns, and both excesses cause economic damage.
All it has to do it to demand that all corporations engaging in interstate commerce hand over a proportion of their debt and equity instruments on issue. Since corporations cannot function without the special privilage of limited liability that they are granted by government, they are in effect a limited extension of the powers of government into the private realm, and there is no reason they should not be required to pay for the privilage. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
The argument against simply using the government's money issuing power to fund social insurance is that if the economy is in an inflationary environment, this injection of liquidity destabilizes the economy. So in line with the payments being made, which creates purchasing power, an equivalent amount of purchasing power should be destroyed via taxation.
But isn't that highlighted point exactly the problem. The incredible size of the baby boomer generation has caused enormous problems (starting with class sizes exploding and school facilities not ready for the bulge 50 years ago) as it has gone through the demographic cycle. I'm under the impression that the combined impact of SS and Medicare, coupled with longer life spans and wonderful, but costly, new medicines and medical procedures, will not allow the generations following to pay for the boomers.
No piles of pieces of paper, no matter how high, and no sequences of entries in computer databases, with the most significant bit no matter how far to the left, helps with the problem.
There is no finance problem. There is a capacity to support a given retired population with a given working population problem, sure ... but neither trust funds where the government holds its own IOUs as if they were assets nor funds where the government holds promises from corporations and individuals to fork over government IOUs at some time in the future addresses that problem.
In the US, Energize America addresses that problem ... in Europe, Energise Europe would do. Reversing the other massive dependency, the dependency of the US Empire on the US Economy, would free up substantial resources to do so. But the issue is food and clothes and housing and heat and transportation, not financial assets.
In an economy where the government's IOU passes as money, the constraint on government spending is its impact on the economy ... there is no finance constraint of the sort that a business or a household faces in that system. I've been accused of being a Marxist, yet while Harpo's my favourite, it's Groucho I'm always quoting. Odd, that.
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