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Who's Right in France? What is happening in the streets of French cities is in one sense deeply absurd. The object of the protests is withdrawal by the government of a modest law intended to improve employment chances for poorly qualified young people. The measure is being attacked by its opponents as reinforcing the precariousness of the lives of those same young people. This is a dramatization in the great tradition of French political psychodrama. What is most interesting, however, has been the revelation of the economic and social anxiety of the French middle classes.
The measure is being attacked by its opponents as reinforcing the precariousness of the lives of those same young people. This is a dramatization in the great tradition of French political psychodrama. What is most interesting, however, has been the revelation of the economic and social anxiety of the French middle classes.
The usual foreign description of the French problem is that the nation and its political and economic elites are failing to confront the demands of the globalized economy, taking refuge in the unrealistic notion of defending a French "social model" that has no place in the modern world. Hence any effort to make the employment market more flexible is rejected, with consequent high French unemployment. Actually, French youth unemployment is not what it is usually made out to be, since free baccalaureate- and university-level education keeps young people out of the job market much longer than in most countries. As a result, as The Financial Times reported last weekend, the official figures are misleading. The newspaper calculates that 7.8 percent of French under-25s are actually out of work, as compared with 7.4 percent in Britain and 6.5 percent in Germany.
Actually, French youth unemployment is not what it is usually made out to be, since free baccalaureate- and university-level education keeps young people out of the job market much longer than in most countries. As a result, as The Financial Times reported last weekend, the official figures are misleading. The newspaper calculates that 7.8 percent of French under-25s are actually out of work, as compared with 7.4 percent in Britain and 6.5 percent in Germany.
Similarly, it seems to me that the current unrest in France signals wider popular resistance in Europe to the most important element in the new model of market economics, its undermining of the place of the employee in the corporate order, deliberately rendering the life of the employee precarious. The model's principal characteristic in the United States has been the transfer of wealth to stockholders and managers, and away from public interests (by tax cuts) and employees (through wage-depression and elimination of employee benefits). In this perspective, what in France seems to be a sterile defense of an obsolete social and economic order might be interpreted as a premonitory appeal for a new but humane model to replace it. It could be Europe's opportunity.
The model's principal characteristic in the United States has been the transfer of wealth to stockholders and managers, and away from public interests (by tax cuts) and employees (through wage-depression and elimination of employee benefits).
In this perspective, what in France seems to be a sterile defense of an obsolete social and economic order might be interpreted as a premonitory appeal for a new but humane model to replace it. It could be Europe's opportunity.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vores_%C3%98l
Panache as a quality (gallantry) comes from its original sense of a plume of feathers on a helmet.
Apparently if you dilute beer with lemonade, it has too little alcohol to register with Alex's system. A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
At the bottom left you see: "Bière sans alcool" = "beer without alcohol"
But in the center you see: "Moins de 1% d'alcool en volume" => and this is ambiguous: can mean anything from 0 to 0.9999999999999999999% of alcohol
Thus Tourtels are potentially not suitable for Muslims.
A "rock shandy" in South Africa is soda and ginger ale or lemonade, with a few drops of Angostura bitters.
Mixing beer into lemonade could be ok, but lemonade into beer???
In Kenya, and I am not making this up, people drink Guinness mixed with Coca-Cola.
The model's principal characteristic in the United States has been the transfer of wealth to stockholders and managers, and away from public interests (by tax cuts) and employees (through wage-depression and elimination of employee benefits). In this perspective, what in France seems to be a sterile defense of an obsolete social and economic order might be interpreted as a premonitory appeal for a new but humane model to replace it. It could be Europe's opportunity.
That's well said. They can when they want, can't they?
Anyway, I was actually surprised by his earlier piece, as IMHO Pfaff's articles are usually OK.
But the IHT is only read by cheese-eating, latte-drinking, liberal elites, anyway. A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
The French themselves have a theory that their nation is in decline, although sometimes this amounts simply to an interiorized version of the foreign accusation that France's problems come from its refusal to adopt the Anglo- American model of market capitalism.
He must have met Jérôme in some effete Parisian cheese-and-wine bar between articles.
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