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He makes the following points: The roots of the European unemployment problem lie in the productivity slowdown and commodity price inflation of the 1970s. The rise in unemployment led to changes in government policy to protect workers -- more employment protection and more generous unemployment insurance. In the 1980s, the unemployment problem was compounded by declining business profits and investment, which reduced labor demand, and conflicts between "insiders" and "outsiders" in the labor market. Most countries have partially reversed the labor market policy changes of the 1970s, but only partially, and sometimes with perverse consequences. European labor market institutions are still less employment friendly than they were prior to the 1970s. National differences in institutions matter. Countries with well-developed institutions of social partnership, including centralized government-business-labor wage bargaining, seem to have done better than others.
It's not like you are ever going to be able to "prove" these things to everybody's full satisfaction anyway. This is not rocket science. It's harder.
The question is, are the conclusions plausible, and can we make reasonably rational policy recommendations from them? I think so.
In fact, the policy recommendations he comes to -- basically coordinated expansionary fiscal, monetary, and incomes policy -- do not seem all that far off from what the Alternative Economic Policy for Europe people are arguing for.
Blanchard would add some job-friendly institutional reforms of employment regulations, unemployment insurance, and so forth.
It seems like these could be the seeds of a traditional European business-labor-government grand bargain that mobilizes the whole society to combat unemployment.
Business would get some regulatory relief and wage restraint; workers would get guarantees from the government to create more jobs with macroeconomic policy and public sector employment, and active labor market policy to ease insecurity caused by the deregulation.
All negotiated among the social partners rather than imposed from the top, of course.
Sorry, I try to be very careful to be precise about how reliable things like that are.
As for your other diary: I never read it properly as I wasn't well. My loss. I'll have to read it now.
And now I'm taking a break: I cannot believe I just constructed that sentence.
If that's the case, does this suggest we need to be looking at managed decline? Or just that we need to change some of our measurements to take energy better into account?
Now, of course, those issues are back.
So I guess the answer is yes and no. Certainly resource supplies are a constraint on living standards, but the constraint is not always binding. Or, maybe it's better to say that the binding is looser at some times and tighter at others. Resource supplies, at least in the short term, were just not an issue in the 1980s (when oil prices fell well below their 1970s levels) and 1990s.
Will Blancahrd's recommendations head off the impact of the next oil shock?
Maybe I'm just too tired right now, but it's not clear to me that his ideas explain how to deal with an oil shock whilst it is happening, (rather than after it is done with) and yet everything Jerome posts points to an "expensive-energy" future at the moment.
One answer to this, as Blanchard points out, is that if one set of costs (say resource costs) are rising, other costs have to be stabilized if employment levels are to be preserved.
This can mean "incomes policy," where business, labor, and government get together to make sure that wage deals do not exacerbate inflation. Countries such as Germany that had this kind of system in place got through the 1970s better than countries that didn't, like Britain for example.
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