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I have spent some time considering the issue of how to construct a legitimate European federal system.* As the title of my post intimates, I think that there are three fundamental challenges (well, three and a half, actually):

First, the system needs what you might call horizontal separation of powers. There needs to be a clearly defined legislative, executive and judicial system, and their relationships need to be worked out. Ahead of time.

Personally, I am biased in favour of what one might call constitutional parliamentarism - where the executive serves at the pleasure of the parliament but the judicial branch has both independence and teeth to impose judicial review of the constitutionality of challenged policies.**

The second challenge is to ensure what one might call vertical separation of powers.

I do not necessarily vote for the same political parties at the city council elections as I do for the national elections - the party that I prefer for national policy may have some cooky local policy and vice versa. If one were to remove direct elections for either the city council or the national parliament and let the body in question be appointed indirectly, it is virtually certain that I would cast my vote based on national policy, and the city be damned, if you'll excuse my French.

I see no reason to assume that this is not also true for the state-EU relationship, and in large part, I point to this fact to explain why the EU is considered less than perfectly transparent. Much and more in the EU bureaucracy takes place through indirectly appointed bodies. Bodies appointed by people who are put in charge of the appointing by the parliaments and governments of the member countries.

If the perception exists (it does, and this will, I believe, remain the case for the foreseeable future) that the national level is more important than the EU level (the EU level needs not be considered unimportant, just less important), the votes for national government will be cast based on national issues. Which means that the resulting national governments will have virtually zero accountability on EU matters.

The party or parties that have my vote based on domestic matters can be virtually certain of not losing it almost irregardless of what kinds of silly things they do at the Union level (surveillance being the only single policy area that I can think of that might motivate me to shift clear across to the other bloc - except that their policy on that issue is actually worse). And on the other side of the fence, there is very little to gain by the parties not getting my vote today  by behaving properly on Union policy, because there is no way that farming subsidies are more important to my vote than unemployment benefits, free and equal education, or the funding of the agencies that enforce the laws against selling me spoiled food.

In summary, the fact that the EU level is both (a) almost completely disassociated from the national level in the mind of most voters and (b) considered by most voters to be vastly less important than the national level makes me think it necessary to give direct elections a far more prominent role in the appointment of people at the Union level. I would personally prefer doing away completely with the indirect appointments across the state-Union boundary.

The third challenge is to design - from the ground up and from the very beginning - a federal system that will satisfy the following criteria:

a) Initially, the system must give greater weight to small member states. A system in which regions hold powers proportional to their population will, as long as the citizenry thinks in terms of national allegiance, be tantamount to asking smaller members to be annexed outright by larger members. This is largely the state at which the Union is today.

b) Eventually, the political integration will/may progress to an extend where the distinction between individual member states is both politically and psychologically meaningless. In this case it is clearly unreasonable to attribute greater power to regions purely with low population (density) based on the historical accident that the Union started life as a confederation. This is largely the state that the USA is at now, and the reason why the Electoral College - which was an eminently sensible idea when the USA was still for all intents and purposes a confederation - is considered archaic.

c) The speed of the transition between states a) and b) must be ultimately controlled by the citizens in order to be considered legitimate. I do not believe that an arbitrary timetable of fixed dates would be taken kindly by the smaller member states. On the other hand, it is vitally necessary that the process does occur, and since it is not ultimately in the narrow self-interest of the low population (density) regions to help this process on the way, it may be that it will be necessary to provide some temporary incentive to do so.

Lastly, there is the half-challenge I promised: The rules and systems that meet challenges one through three must be written in a sufficiently compact fashion that it is readable to any literate citizen in a reasonable timespan. Publishing a 150 page book doesn't cut it. Especially when upwards nine tenths of the content is redundant diplomat-speak and/or vague statements of intent. While I think I have made clear that copying the content of the US constitution would be A Bad Idea, I do believe that the Founders of a more perfect European Union could take lessons in brevity from Jefferson et al. Then again, by the look of this post, so could I...

- Jake

*Let's not mince words here for the sake of political correctness: The Union as currently set up is a confederacy and its political integration will only become tighter. In an age where one can go from Helsinki to Berlin in less than a quarter of a day (and information can travel the same distance in less than a quarter of a millisecond) the world is simply too small for sovereign states of 5-10 mil. people. But I digress; infrastructure and its relation to the minimum and maximum sizes of viable political units is a topic for another day...

**Actually, as a matter of principle I would prefer to see an independent executive, but I fail to see how such a body could be made "by the people, for the people" - a presidential executive seems to do Bad Things to the political culture by encouraging tactical voting to avoid 'splitting the vote' (see, e.g., Bush vs. Gore or Chirac vs. Le Pen), and I fail to see another system that provides for direct input from the citizenry (you could make the executive a 'second chamber' but that runs the risk of either getting very similar election results by holding elections in close proximity or constant campaigning by holding elections every other year or so). Then again, that may simply be a failure of my imagination.

Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Wed Oct 10th, 2007 at 08:31:28 PM EST
great post jake, and welcome to ET!

one quibble-
because there is no way that farming subsidies are more important to my vote than unemployment benefits, free and equal education, or the funding of the agencies that enforce the laws against selling me spoiled food.

do you think we are going to bring fair trade policies to poorer food-producing countries, as opposed to dumping our extra over there with disastrous results for their local markets and suppliers?

and how does that jive with global warming, higher fuel prices, etc, to have our 'jet-fresh' fruits and vegetables arriving from africa, since many small farmers in europe will have to give up farming without cap money, leaving what's left of the field to agribiz, (who already are almost a monopoly, guaranteeing a gm future)?

the bathwater is the corruption in the cap (eg planting sunflowers to rot and cashing in, here in italy), and i'm heartily for flushing it away with a much more ecological approach to cap disbursement, but the baby should be rinsed off and well-nurtured, for a change.

i feel extremist about this, but i do feel that local food is better for you,  irrespective even of fuel prices, and if a nation (continent?) dismisses its own food supply as just another fungible set of commodities to be outsourced, it is setting itself up for trouble with a big T.

as it is, farmland that was cleared by hand for generations is being reinvaded by trees, which may be good on some levels, eg wildlife, yet still bodes ill if things go pearshaped, and our food supply becomes another lifeline to be squeezed by another government's caprice.

try uprooting trees without heavy diesel-guzzling equipment!

we are already way too vulnerable with gas and oil as it is, n'est-ce pas?

let's change the cap scheme from the corporate welfare it is now into something that brings pride back into farming, and respects the land.

it needs a 180 degree change on the disbursement, more accountability (easy with satellites), and a rapid shift to organic, then it will lose the 'millstone' aura it has now, poster child for all that is 'sclerotic' and 'unreformed' about 'old europe'.

butter mountains, wine lakes, tobacco timebombs....all gotta go...

if we give away something as precious as our access to food to countries like china, we'll need to employ as many quality controllers as we did farmers, so no net gain there, except maybe in health issues...

'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty

by melo (melometa4(at)gmail.com) on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 01:00:28 AM EST
[ Parent ]
let's change the cap scheme from the corporate welfare it is now into something that brings pride back into farming, and respects the land.

Yes!
(I don't really have anything to contribute, but Yes!)

by Number 6 on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 06:19:16 AM EST
[ Parent ]
two yesses are twice as good as nothing!

it all starts with our relationship to the earth, and our daily sustenance.

everything else is superstructure...

'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty

by melo (melometa4(at)gmail.com) on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 06:34:07 AM EST
[ Parent ]
do you think we are going to bring fair trade policies to poorer food-producing countries, as opposed to dumping our extra over there with disastrous results for their local markets and suppliers?

I'm not sure what you're getting at? I'd love for the Union to stop paying people to grow unnecessary food and then pay other people to consume it instead of their own local food. But your sentence seems a bit incomplete, so I'm not sure I've read you right...

and how does that jive with global warming, higher fuel prices, etc, to have our 'jet-fresh' fruits and vegetables arriving from africa, since many small farmers in europe will have to give up farming without cap money, leaving what's left of the field to agribiz, (who already are almost a monopoly, guaranteeing a gm future)?

There are a great many different issues in play here.

On the one hand is the environmental effect of flying and/or shipping in food from far-away countries. I think there is an argument to be made that local food can be more environmentally friendly (it also can be less so - shipping something a hundred km by truck can easily be as polluting as shipping the same mass two or even three times as far by cargo ship).

But I think that solving this through the use of subsidies is a backwards way of going about things - environmental impact should be priced through direct environmental taxes, rather than general subsidies.

Second is the issue of small farmers vs. big agribiz. That's a complicated issue, but again I think that using subsidies to further the development we desire is an oddly indirect way of going about things. If there is some specific reason why we want small farms, let's address that directly.

If we believe that smaller farms are more environmentally friendly, let's raise pollution taxes - if we're right, then the small farms come out ahead. If we're wrong, well, then that argument in favour of small farms vanishes anyway.

If we believe that small farms are better for making healthy foods, we can increase taxes on unhealthy foods. If we believe that farms make higher quality food - and if we think that the state has an interest in promoting high quality food over cheap food (I think there are arguments to be made either way) - we can tax shoddy food specifically.

If it's an issue of animal welfare, we can tighten the regulations governing humane treatment of animals.

If the argument in favour of small farms is simply one of quaintness, then I'd suggest that we address it in our city planning, the same way we address the fact that smallish shops are more aesthetically pleasing than huge malls - factory farms have their uses, just as ugly malls, but they should be placed somewhere out of sight.

Lastly, you raise the issue of GMO. Well, if we decide that we don't want GMO, we can ban it. Subsidies or no subsidies.

i feel extremist about this, but i do feel that local food is better for you,  irrespective even of fuel prices, and if a nation (continent?) dismisses its own food supply as just another fungible set of commodities to be outsourced, it is setting itself up for trouble with a big T.

Food, of course, is a strategic resource, and whatever we do, we should maintain food stockpiles that will last long enough that we can reasonably expect to be able to restart our own production if outside supplies vanish overnight. Fortunately, grain keeps rather well.

- Jake

Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Fri Oct 12th, 2007 at 11:55:04 AM EST
[ Parent ]
The party or parties that have my vote based on domestic matters can be virtually certain of not losing it almost irregardless of what kinds of silly things they do at the Union level (surveillance being the only single policy area that I can think of that might motivate me to shift clear across to the other bloc - except that their policy on that issue is actually worse).
Isn't there a third party?

We have met the enemy, and it is us — Pogo
by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 03:11:40 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Their might be many parties, but just two blocs (as the real governmental alternatives)?

And since we are on the topic of third parties with privacy agendas, there is no Pirate Party in Denmark, though there is a Pirate Group which is a lobbying organisation.

Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se

by A swedish kind of death on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 06:05:14 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Well, I was thinking about the case of the UK where, if you care about surveillance the obvious choice is to vote for the Lib Dems because Labour is building a Surveillance Society and the Tories are "the other block, which is even worse".

In Denmark, as in Sweden, with proportional representation and multi-party politics, it should be possible for a party to survive outside the "blocks".

We have met the enemy, and it is us — Pogo

by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 06:09:56 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I thinks the mechanics of the bloc politics is interesting, so I hope nobody minds a bit off OT here.

Components

  • A parliamentary system with focus on electing a governmental coalition.
  • A lower limit keeps to small parties out of parliament.
  • Political culture of blocs.

Almost every new party that has entered parliament in Sweden has had a loose position in respect to which bloc they will support. This is necessary because you need to build up until you can pass the hurdle. During the build up phase an association with an existing bloc will hurt the ambitions as voting for parties that does not enter is wasting your vote. Or to put it another way, you need to build a new identity, a new tribe to stand a chance. This identity needs to be seperate from existing parties identities, otherwise it will be hard to build it.

After a new party has entered parlaiment it often comes an election when it is of the verge of loosing its seats by scoring just under the limit. Strategic voters from the mayor parties will then save it if it appears it is advantageous for their bloc. They will do so if a bloc identity has been established. The communist was kept in parliament during weak elections by strategic SocDem voters (Comrade 4%), the ChristDem was kept in -94 by Moderate voters (Brother 4%) and the Greens fell out in -91 due to lack of bloc identity but was saved in 2002 by SocDem and Left (formerly communist) voters.

This has the effect that the only parties that has not an established bloc identity is the ones that are out of praliament or has just entered. It also has the interesting effect that over time the number of parties in parliament grows as. So long as a party has a substantial hard core of voters the bloc will keep it in parliament. The only party that has gone away for good was the xenophobic New Democracy that entered in -91 and imploded during its first period. With the growth in parties, support for parties outside parliament, and reduced membership in parties in parliament I expect the system to reach some crisis within 20 years (5 elections).

I included the last bulletpoint because it also needs a political culture where Grand Coalitions are banned (not by law, but by culture) except in wartime. Finland has a very similar construction as Sweden, but a different political culture were the long border with the Soviet union has played a mayor part. Germany allows for Grand Coalitions. And so on.

But with hardcore bloc politics you only can choose the left or the right bloc (and weigh in a little on composition by which party you choose) or other which is then generally not in parliament.

Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se

by A swedish kind of death on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 07:59:11 AM EST
[ Parent ]
It is entirely possible to survive as a minor party in Denmark - although less so than it has been. When I originally wrote the post, I did not want to get into a major exposition on Danish domestic policy and political parties since it was getting quite long and elaborate enough already. But since the subject has come up, let's take a brief tour:

On the left wing, we have - if we stretch the definition of 'left wing' a bit - three parties: The Socialists. The Popular Socialists and the Social Democrats. For various domestic reasons, the Socialists do not currently seem like a viable party at the moment, which leaves us with the Popular Socialists and the Social Democrats.

Then we have the right-wing bloc composed of - from left to right - the Liberals, the Conservatives and New Alliance (essentially a bought-and-paid-for attempt by rich biznizmen to inject Reagan-style voodoo economics into Danish politics, from which they have been thankfully absent for the last decade or so).

Lastly there are two parties, the Danish Popular Party and the Social Liberals who are aligned with the right-wing and left-wing blocs, respectively, but cannot really be counted as belonging there in any meaningful sense - the fact that they are aligned in that way is more of a historical artifact.

So, if you're a leftist, you basically have the choice between the Popular Socialists and the Social Democrats. That means that you can impose one (1) absolute constraint on your choice of party. That constraint is not going to be EU policy.

If you're in the rightist bloc, you've got a bit more choice - at least if you consider the Conservatives a long-term viable party, something I'm not entirely sure I do. But the fundamental picture is the same - Union policy has to be either second or third (after fiscal and taxation policy, of course) on your list of priority policy areas to even be in the running when it comes to selecting party.

And I usually think that we have a rather diverse political spectrum...

- Jake

Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Fri Oct 12th, 2007 at 12:36:04 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I suppose if I were in Denmark I'd lean towards the Social Liberals of Radikale Venstre. The problem is that they seem to be imploding.

We have met the enemy, and it is us — Pogo
by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Sun Oct 14th, 2007 at 02:19:01 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I suppose if I were in Denmark I'd lean towards the Social Liberals of Radikale Venstre.

Only until you saw their taxation policy. Oh, and I'm not very happy about their view of schools either. But that's for another time.

OTOH, I'd say that imploding is a bit harsh. It'd be more accurate to say that they're splitting clear down the middle.

- Jake

Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.

by JakeS (JangoSierra 'at' gmail 'dot' com) on Sun Oct 14th, 2007 at 01:53:49 PM EST
[ Parent ]
there is a Pirate Group which is a lobbying organisation.

Thanks for the link. Good stuff (for those of us who can read Danish.)

by Number 6 on Thu Oct 11th, 2007 at 06:47:32 AM EST
[ Parent ]

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