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I didn't believe that H had nukes because a workable WMD program is almost crippingly expensive, even for a functional economy, and after GW I Country I certainly didn't have a functional economy.
Also, B clearly was a lying windbag too. But that was a suggestive data point, not proof.
Scientists believe critical thinking brings convergence because beliefs are independently checked and verified and supported by abstract reasoning. Every so often this goes horribly wrong, but the system works - within its limits - at least as well as any other kind of intellectual attempt to understand the world.
Religious people and paranoid exploding-earth nutters are swayed almost entirely by their emotions and don't do logic at all. 'I feel it' isn't much of an explanation for anything, which is why you can't argue with it rationally. Meanwhile the paranoid nutters enjoy drama and fear for the sake of it.
The broad split is between people who pay attention to facts outside themselves and people who only pay attention to their feelings. The Pope seems to be one of the latter - he'd rather defend an irrational faith with irrational acts than engage with historical reality.
You cannot claim that the above isn't rational just because you disagree with the limited scope of the universe of discourse in that example. In your own example, the fundamental possibility of divergence remains:
Unless you happen to be a WMD scientist, all of your assumptions about H and his country were derived from interpreting media reports available to you, together with the meta-assumption that these reports were not all outright lies and misinformation. A conspiracy theorist could read the same media as you, but because he assumes that they are outright lies, he will end up with a rather different interpretation, yet both of you would be exposed to the exact same facts in writng and both of you would be rational, you only differ in a highly influential assumption.
Two people who are entirely rational but whose prior assumptions differ can both interpret common facts logically, and end up disagreeing even more afterwards. -- $E(X_t|F_s) = X_s,\quad t > s$
The conspiracy theorist is deficient in critical thinking skills if he assumes that all media reports are outright lies. It violates Occam's Razor, which is a pretty basic tool for critical thinking. And lying about everything is plain stupid. You only lie about the important things, because the more you have to lie, the easier it is to slip up and build in an inconsistency that's a little too glaring.
Reasonable people arguing in good faith can, and frequently do, reach widely divergent conclusions. But there are some constraints on what kind of conclusions they can reach. And most cults like the one under discussion are clearly on the "divorced from reality" side of that line.
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
Occam's Razor here reduces to a prior belief that the USA generally tells the truth, versus no such belief. Think of an American, a European, a Russian, and a Chinese. -- $E(X_t|F_s) = X_s,\quad t > s$
Sure, you can assume that the US government lied about not helping, but is now telling the truth about the existence of the nukes. But this seems to be a contradiction: The US government is full of shit when it makes a self-serving statement about not helping nasty people get nukes. But it's a model of honesty when it makes a self-serving statement about nasty people having nukes.
You could then elaborate the assumption by noting the change in management in the US inbetween those statements. But this can be challenged by noting that if this new, more truthful management actually was serious about the whole truth thing, they could just release the documentation proving that the previous management had aided the nasty people. Then the previous management would have egg on its face and the case would be open-and-shut.
Of course, it's possible to elaborate the ad hoc assumption further with another ad hoc modification. But there is a limit to how many ad hoc assumptions you're permitted to stack on top of each other before you've left the realm of logic and reason and entered the realm of narratives. It's not a hard limit by any means, but it is there somewhere, and conspiracy theorists usually sail right past it within the first two or three paragraphs...
It most certainly was a proof: Assumption: B lies. Fact: B claims H has nukes Conclusion: B's claim is not true
Uh, no. This only follows logically if B lies all the time. In 2003 that was looking likely, but not certain, and certainly not proof of anything.
It turned out in retrospect that he lied maybe 95% of the time. But that fact wasn't available in 2003.
A rational person can still disagree with you by disagreeing with some of your unstated underlying assumptions, such as e.g. that H had actually had them built fully rather than only partially say, or that he had them smuggled in, or that a workable program is much less expensive than you believe etc.
But there was no absolutely evidence to support any of those claims.
You're sounding like the people who said that Saddam really did have WMDs but... they were smuggled to Syria, which is why they were never found.
There's a vast uncrossable gulf between that kind of narrative logic, in which anything goes as long as it sounds vaguely plausible, and evidence-based argument, which requires a decent data set to argue implications from.
Unless you happen to be a WMD scientist, all of your assumptions about H and his country were derived from interpreting media reports available to you, together with the meta-assumption that these reports were not all outright lies and misinformation.
That and reading books and comments by the UN weapons inspectors, who might reasonably be expected to have a more accurate picture than the media.
In fact the media were spectacularly wrong and generally supportive of the party line, so there was no meta-assumption needed.
I assumed the primary sources - which were freely available to anyone - were more accurate than the media reporting.
Uh, no. This only follows logically if B lies all the time.
The only way anybody at the time could claim that it wasn't obvious that the UK government was lying was by weighting the USUK statements 99%, and all other statements 1%, say. That's actually quite reasonable for British people in general to do, on the grounds that they'd have to become paranoid otherwise, but non-anglophones had no such conflict of interest.
Which nicely again illustrates my point about unstated assumptions leading to divergence. Anybody who placed even 50% weight on USUK statements and 50% weight on statements from other sources essentially had to consider B a liar, simply due to the large number of contradicting claims of fact by other independent sources.
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