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Although if they weren't, what would it say about "the markets" if it turned out they were willing to make millions unemployed, homeless and impoverished in order to avoid tighter financial regulation and a possible end to the multi-decade party?
Elsewhere, we seem to have run into the problem that Europe means different things to different people. On ET we'd like to think it means civilised inquiry, intellectual curiosity, pragmatic as opposed to ideological empathy and enlightened democracy.
But what was the original vision? Does anyone know? I remember it being a "common market" - which doesn't bode well. Was it ever supposed to be more than that?
The question is only passingly relevant because - clearly - it could be more than that. But making it more than that means pushing against "the markets", the exploiters, the financial criminals, the petty populist nation-state tribalists, and the tragicomical media despots like Berlusconi and Murdoch.
Having the vision isn't bad. Not being able to achieve the vision - yet - isn't entirely bad.
It would be worse if the vision didn't exist at all.
The whole European Union thing was a gambit by starry-eyed politicians who had succeeded, with the Single European Act, in establishing a complete single market with free movement of capital, goods, services and people.
The starry-eyed politicians came up with Schengen and the Euro and the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs, and voila, the European Economic Community became the "first pillar" of the European Union.
See wikipedia, as usual... Economics is politics by other means
Alternatively, it can be described as a visionary project by the likes of Delors, Kohl, Mitterrand and González, squandered by 20 years of petty nationalistic politicians without a vision. Economics is politics by other means
What development of Europe, twenty years ago, would have avoided that, in your view?
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
what they feared: Germany dominating Europe and using Central Europe as its economic backyard.
What was written was what Germany would sign up to.
Then the Euro was a bad idea, and Maastricht sans EMU would have been a better treaty.
It is very difficult for a political process/negotiation to solve that problem unless all the other payers have a united and coherent opposing position. So far the Eurozone crisis has seen a conspicuous lack of solidarity of anyone with or for anyone else. It's every member for themselves at the moment with the majority keeping their heads down and hoping not to have to get involved. Index of Frank's Diaries
See: the US at Bretton Woods, China at the G20, Germany in the Euro. Economics is politics by other means
More than anyone seems to want to recognize in this discussion, the rapid fall of Communism redrew the map of Europe and forced them into an attempt to tighten the bolts on the European superstructure. I don't know to what extent they believed it would really work. Maybe I should try to see if Delors has said anything of late. Mitterand, apparently, is silent.
My memory from that time is also that Mitterand feared reunification but was resigned to it - and negotiated with Kohl to get stronger European integration, particularly wrt the common currency, as the price of his support.
Without a negative feedback mechanism for limiting the growth of internal trade imbalances, and with arbitrary constraints on fiscal policy and an ideological prohibition of "printing money" the thing was primed for a blow-up. We're actually unfortunate that the global financial crisis started with the subprime crisis and acted as a trigger for the Eurozone crisis, allowing people to pretend that all was well with the Eurozone had it not been for contagion from across the Atlantic. Economics is politics by other means
Our grand-fathers had direct contact with the horrors of WWII, fascism and stalinism. That shapes a certain kind of individual.
Their mistake (and, it seems to me, the mistake of some here) was to forget that their descendants would be born in a completely (better) different world. Thus, a different kind of individual.
An individual breed in good times cannot easily foresee that it is shaping a path back to horror because (s)he does not know how such horror feels like.
I think a leader of the WWII generation would NEVER allow the current crisis to be shaped with a narrative of "nation versus nation" or "rich nations vs poor nations" or <put your national variant here>.
Sometimes the argument here seems to amount to "if we had the proper leaders, this would be alright". This is naive at best: (i) In a democracy we are bound to have, over time, leaders of different persuasions, it is not always the "old fashioned, historically sensitive, social democrat"; sometimes you get the "banker owned, ideology obsessed, short-sighted neo-liberal", this is NORMAL in a democracy. and (ii) we are having the generational leaders that know little about horrors.
This is why I think that the "European Dream" is turning into a "bloody nightmare": We Europeans designed (with good intention) a system that is too tight-coupled (think Portuguese bailout in the hands of Finnish parliament). We are too connected without sharing nothing resembling a "national identity". This is bound to be problematic in a time of crisis.
A more cautious approach would have serve us much better. It might not have been the utopia of a "united Europe", but would have avoided the problems that are coming (because they have not really started yet).
On the other hand, the whole thing started with a very limited and, indeed, "cautious" European Coal and Steel Community. The single market itself was already "mission creep". The "Founders" set a ball rolling and hoped that further integration would be inevitable. Economics is politics by other means
I hope this is not the case, because I would rather not have to cope with the social disruption it implies...
I wonder if the degree to which the wealthy arrange to skew the system in their favor depends in part on how close you get to social collapse.
For the wealthy engaging in politics can be a hobby or a pastime, a means of upward mobility, a career, or an insurance policy against "bad people" getting into power. Often they are wealthy because they have played the game well in their own interests.
So the general observation, that major political innovations come in response to catastrophic social failures holds true for both reasons - the dispossessed become more engaged and recognise their common interests in changing the system and the wealthy lose their grip in the social upheaval that follows.
Of course the trick, in a functioning democracy, is to provide mechanisms for ongoing non-violent change which reduce the risk of catastrophic failures and mass upheavals. Index of Frank's Diaries
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