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While currently we see little social upheaval, if things get nasty we will probably see some new kind of politics emerging. It might be something more egalitarian like you seem to believe (and I would like), but it might also be something else...
The European publics continue to expect their governments to provide these kinds of economic guarantees and automatic stabilizers. In order to overcome public resistance, high officials of the EU Commission, the EcoFin and the ECB have first, in 2010, argued that the only way to preserve democracy was to institute austerity, "reform" and fiscal consolidation packages: there was no alternative for democracy was under threat otherwise. Now, in 2011, these same officials talk about "limited democracy", and about creating new EU officials able to overrule democratically elected governments' fiscal policies. The way that democracy was first the excuse for austerity and a year later it needs to be limited to enable austerity is rather ominous. If austerity was needed to protect democracy and a year later there are octogenarians in running battles with police over attempts to impose austerity from Brussels, something has gone terribly wrong.
There used to be a lot of talk about the "democratic deficit" within the EU. Now that the most undemocratic body within the EU, the ECB, has effectively taken over running the show in the face of an irrelevant Parliament and ineffective Commission such talk is abolished and replaced by the alleged need for more top down coordinated policy decisions with additional powers to police the actions of National (democratically elected) Governments.
I would re-submit an article dealing specifically the the socio-economic and political implications of current developments on European Democracy and force them to explicitly reject that. It would help to reveal what agendas are in play - and which are beyond the pale of permitted debate. Index of Frank's Diaries
The political dimension is the main dimension. The rest is important, but a side show really.
If we started from the frame of reference that democratic legitimacy is all important; that a degree of egalitarianism or at least an attempt to at worst retain historic inequalities; that people, and especially young people coming into work age have a right to useful and rewarding employment; that European Union and cohesion requires that regional and class imbalances are gradually reduced; and that European educational, social, health and environmental standards and services are gradually harmonised - then we come up with an entirely different range of policy options, options more rooted in reality and human development, and options within which the ECB becomes a relatively marginal service provider rather than the main director of the enterprise.
Is it people or money which is at the centre of our thought universe? Index of Frank's Diaries
you can challenge their thought universe by imposing/proposing your own,
That is what Mig is doing, Frank.
While some people might be honest intellectually, cynicism leads me to believe that as soon as this approach started to work, it would be cut down.
The genetic imprint of the current system is to support the financial classes. Deviation is only acceptable as long as it is inconsequential.
On the other hand, I can only wish good luck (and expect that I am wrong).
Bottom up approaches seem more appropriate, in my view.
But good luck. In the middle of the developing social, economic and political chaos the butterfly effect might actually make all this effort pay off. Indeed, now is the time.
Because a blogger writing a post on an economics site is supposed to be top-down?
A bottom-up approach involves influencing the opinion and PRACTICE of a bus driver.
Contrast this with, say, the approach of the transition town movement.
I hope I have made it clear that I think it is a great piece of work. But lets not be blinded to target audience and approach.
This piece (and ET, by the way) is targeted at a certain intellectual elite. Other than trying to fake something of a more popular vein, I strongly suggest to all people that are comfortable with doing this work, that they should just embrace it. Just do not fool yourselves.
I willingly hit the street in support of strikes, union action, social movements. I've just returned from an hour working for the locavore food association I help to run. But I'm aware of the limits of that type of action too. Addressing the intellectuals and communicators in society seems to me to be another type of action that can bring results, and I don't think it's any less worthy.
Neither do I think it's "elitist" or top-down, coming from a Web-based discussion community.
Thomas Kuhn, in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, pointed out that scientific or knowledge progress is rarely a smooth progression, is often characterised by abrupt discontinuities, and is generally led by outsiders to the existing thought establishment. Einstein notoriously ghardly pssed his school exam never mind worked his way of the academic hierarchy. I suggest the time is right for a completely new approach to economics, one based on entirely different assumptions, and one leading to better real world outcomes. The contradictions of Austrian economics are just too glaring for that paradigm to survive. We need a new real world approach to economics - one starting with assumptions about human rights rather than human "rationality" or greed, and one rooted in the ecosystem of the world we actually inhabit.
I suggest there are some on ET with the intellectual capabilities to help lead such a revolution. Am I being too optimistic? Index of Frank's Diaries
if it is revolutionary to point our that surplus generating countries can only continue to generate surpluses if other countries generate larger and larger deficits and that at some point this system has to become unstable - then the present economic consensus has reached a height of stupidity difficult to fathom - if I may completely mix my metaphors
B. It is indeed outside the mainstream to point that out
Therefore C. the present economic consensus has reached unfathomable heights of stupidity Economics is politics by other means
this is, for them, 99% of the ballgame.
We should keep it in mind, but too often we forget to. The "system", rather than being "broken", from the point of view of those who reap the greatest benefits, is doing what it's supposed to do.
Asset-bubbles may be unavoidable no matter what form or counter-measures a capitalist system may devise and put in place.
Migeru's piece points out things which are both essential in importance and also too rarely discussed in the mass public news media; so he deserves much credit for that.
At the same time, asset-bubbles are great for those who have the resources to take advantage of them and then drop out at the most opportune moment. Rather than give that up without a fight, I suspect that these same would put up fierce resistance to so reasonable and public-spirited a plan since it would undermine one of their most lucrative opportunities.
Still, the understanding, which should be beyond doubt or question in its validity, that, within the E.U., surpluses for Germany, for example, imply corresponding deficits somewhere else--that insight is absolutely of key importance and for the supposedly "top people" (PiP) to miss it or refuse it is nothing short of scandalous.
"In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
asset-bubbles are great for those who have the resources to take advantage of them and then drop out at the most opportune moment.
Meh, Einstein was among his time's leading experts in electromagnetic theory. He just didn't secure an academic career but he retained his academic contacts and could publish. Economics is politics by other means
Later, when he was formulating General Relativity he was competing with none other than David Hilbert to formulate a geometric theory of gravity. Again, not an unconventional pursuit. Economics is politics by other means
Einstein wrote his first paper on magnetic fields aged 16 and had his first paper on Capillary forces published at age 22 around the same time as he got the patent job (through a friend) four years before he go his doctorate.
However let's not get sidetracked by Einstein. What are you and Jake gonna do? :-) Index of Frank's Diaries
But he didn't demonstrate that patience. He displayed the same blunt and unwelcome frankness common to geniuses' personalities toward these influential people and, stung, they simply shut his advancement off; only much later and with the help of others who were for exrtraneous reasons much more patient and sympathetic, did E. find the support needed to break the effective boycott in academia. "In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
He could publish at a very young age and before he had established a reputation because his theories explained observable phenomena in a way existing dominant theories could not.
And because physicists, whatever their other flaws, are working to improve their understanding of the observable universe.
Serious economists are not. They are playing power games, and that means that you need to do a whole lot more ass-kissing before your can start disseminating genuinely novel ideas.
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
the present economic consensus has reached a height of stupidity
That's it. And that height of stupidity is presented as there-is-no-alternative TINA. Mig's article says there-are-real-alternatives TARA. In present circumstances, that is fairly revolutionary.
Frank Schnittger:
We need a new real world approach to economics - one starting with assumptions about human rights rather than human "rationality" or greed, and one rooted in the ecosystem of the world we actually inhabit.
Certainly we do. I'd have thought these had been preoccupations of most discourse on ET since it began. But communicating through different channels in a way that's appropriate to them isn't a form of denial of that, it's taking an opportunity to challenge conventional wisdom and move ideas forward. Or must we write a Manifesto and only communicate that?
Or must we write a Manifesto and only communicate that?
er, yes actually!
both/and... one prong with graphs for the economic wonks (heavily ref'd with nuggets of veblen, george, et al and one for the innumerate proles, preferably with cartoons to help explain.
the ignorance prevails because the Lie is unthinkably Big. while this essay lassoos the intellectual contingent, the manifesto must break down the wall between the perps and the rest of us doofuses, so we-of-little-brains may become privy to the arcane voodoo secrets that end up in poverty and war for the huddled masses outside the selected circles.
well done migeru! great synthesis. 'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty
surplus generating countries can only continue to generate surpluses if other countries generate larger and larger deficits and that at some point this system has to become unstable -
i think it's hard head rational to some bundesbankers to ditch the euro now, and go it alone.
they've tapped out the peripherals' markets, the PIIGS can't afford the silverware, let alone the meal, besides it's probably indigestible.
the china market is booming, and if the BRIC gaggle keep growing apace, the common currency is a drag to the financiers, those sleek, affectless robots could give a FF about the fate of the euro social engineering project, or the euro currency even. think of all the money to be scammed off changing back 5 countries' currencies! people made out like bandits in the confusion between stools, and guarans they'd do it again in reverse, hey even repeat the sentiment-charged scam again in 20-30 years.
the more shocks, the more doctrine... all europeans except the germans are to be discarded while the ubermenschen take their prideful place as the hardest, most rigorously blinkered of profit machines, assuring a permanent risk-free ride for banksters and austerity for those too ignorant to become Fine Young Cannibals too. austerity is a orwellian newspeak for penury, they can't give us the message without semantic sugar on it.
buckminster fuller had it right, the idea that governments are the dog, and pirates the tail have it exactly backwards, true since civilisation began, possibly.
the edges are where the action is, and prates know the shoals and can play the edges in ways no-one else can. 'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty
I fail to understand how it is possible to maintain the current western pattern of consumption. If think that we will get poorer. Currently because of re-distribution (from the middle to the top), but in the future due to sheer natural scarcity.
Not a subject of this thread, I know. But I could not help it ;)
So you could in theory continue to have employment and growing GDP with a shrinking resource base. You just have to employ a larger fraction of the population in activities with a low resource use.
The growth of the "service" or "tertiary" sector and the "information economy" are steps in that direction. It doesn't follow that people in the service or information economies should be high earners, but that pretty much arbitrary numbers of people can be employed in them and they will need to be if 5% of the population can produce food for everyone and industrial production of material goods gets less and less labour-intensive. Economics is politics by other means
The problem is that sometimes it passes (from some Keynesians that I read) that proper economic policy would be enough to maintain the status quo lifestyle. That state anti-cyclical intervention (and redistributive policies) would be enough to counter nature's limits. Indeed many of those keynesians ignore nature's limits (hence my comment on post-industrialism) and clearly talk about growth (in very real terms).
Any realistic politics for the future will have to consider a shrinkage of the resource base. That, by the way is more encouraging of redistributive policies: "trickle down" would only make sense in a infinite growth (real) scenario: If there are limits then if some get more and more that can only mean that others get less and less.
Keynes on the other hand saw that unemployment is an evil as it destroys the unemployed, and therefore it is better to run unproductive public projects like pyramid building then to have unemployment. Even better is to produce things actually needed.
Keynes lived at a time when resource constraints was results of boycotts, not nature. But that does not invalidate his observations on unemployment, and in a resource constrained world more manual labor will be needed as we can no longer throw more resources at every problem. Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
if 5% of the population can produce food for everyone
but what if we go back to 90% of people involved in farming like before? what's going to power those behemoth threshers and balers? galley slaves?
to imagine 5% are going to continue to produce the world's food for long... can you really believe that? 'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty
And, besides, "positions" are necessarily "ideological" --otherwise they contain no "ideas". To pretend that there are any non-ideological "positions" is neither necessary nor helpful though it is, of course, possible to pretend this.
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RE (ref. http://www.eurotrib.com/story/2011/7/19/15816/2580#66 ) :
"You just have to employ a larger fraction of the population in activities with a low resource use."
"Capitalisms" don't do this well or, so far, at all. Instead, success is practically defined as "More, more, more, more, more." Higher consumption, higher profits, higher "productivity", higher output, etc. Capitalisms, in short, "succeed" by literally using everything up--completely.
In this vein, Jean-Jacques Salomon's points in his essay, Le destin technologique ( http://www.folio-lesite.fr/Folio/livre.action?codeProd=A32811 )
where he describes a very arresting thought experiment. It goes very roughly something like this:
Imagine for a moment that the earth and its human populations one day reach their absolute limits--I know, you'll object that this can't and won't occur because one or more catastrophes will intervene before that limit arrives, but this only makes Salomon's point the more arresting since his scenario is the "good news", so to speak, since it takes for purposes of analysis the view that somehow humanity so controls and attenuates those intervening and population-limiting catastrophes that, in effect, populations go on growing until the earth's resources, and or technological capacities to "stretch" them also reach their limits--that, when you think in his terms (i.e., many thousands and thousands of years) has to occur eventually or, otherwise, of course, we become extinct as a species.
In extrapolating, we arrive inescapably at the point where the only feasible operative possibility is literally "zero" growth, none, at all, because even the smallest measureable increase is beyond the capacity of physical resources to accomodate.
It seems clear to me that before any future human society arrives at this extreme, we (or that future people, more able than are we to reason and act sensibly for their own survival) have essentially two courses open:
one is to continue as we are until we eventually destroy ourselves in some combination of itentional and accidental folly;
the other is to veer off our present course in ways which are so fundamental a departure from our present assumptions that they are as yet not welcome to imagine or discuss in most discussion fora. The present insanity must be protected and preserved.
And that's driving the current misery around us. "In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
Take the proposition that the question "what's going to power those behemoth threshers and balers?" has no answer. We can spend hundreds of comments dealing with that and at the end of the day the gaia-is-going-to-punish-us-and-we-deserve-it crowd and the technology-will-save-us-all crowd will be just calling each other names. The discussion isn't really about what's possible, it's about other stuff.
Plus a fairly damaging assumption about the "crowds" in presence.
I suppose we could talk about sport, but I'm pretty sure you'd rather steer away from that, too?
"Pretty good set of reasons for not discussing anything one would rather not see addressed, like climate change, energy, and certainly nothing to do with politics or economics."
Exactly---and that may be the point, after all. "In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
Also see my comment below.
And, then, strangely, at the same time, something hard--like actual political and economic events in the living world--seems to have brought you around to seeing the validity of what seems to me to be at least some the of left-ish political and economic criticisms which once upon a time in these threads I'd could read you opposing and denoucing--or maybe I'm just mistaken about that.
Now we can read, for example, your valid objections to what you colorfully describe as the absurdly other-worldly habits of econ policy-makers imploring what amounts to throwing more virgins into the sacrificial volcano. Just who demands and requires these virgins' routine sacrifice? Surely it isn't the people whose economic beliefs you have in the past or currently still do disparage, is it? That is, unless I'm mistaken about it, hard facts have wrought some changes in your formerly expressed economic & political beliefs. This is also and perhaps even moreso true of Migeru who now can admit that the opponents of last several E.U. referenda votes (including what I'd call the Lisbon disgrace) were after all at least partly right to oppose them--though he still can't quite credit them as being right for reasons which they themeselves understood. Still, again, there's progress.
So, you see? There is such a thing as progress. "In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
We have better things to do.
grumble Doomers. Stop fantasizing about the apocalypse, pay a tiny bit of attention to what the actual constraints and possible/probable substitutes of our industrial ecology are, because all you are currently doing is destroying your own credibility. Which, to be honest.. go ahead, the less influence you have, the better for the planet.
Industrial farming needs, in order: Fresh water Land. Steel. Phosphates Ammonia. (for fertilizers, and for fuel. Yes, you can run tractors and combines on ammonia. People do so already.)
Fixed it for you.
#1 is already an issue, and #4 is going to be inside the present century.
farmland under the plow is the limiting factor on our food production.
Well, no.
Under the present system, access to synthetic fertiliser is the first constraint that will really bite.
Fertilizer are primarily needed for nitrogen fixation.
Phosphates would like a word.
Peasant farming is far less productive, (and also far more ecologically destructive) than industrial farming is
Would you care to enlighten us on the ecological destruction caused by peasant farming?
And how can you sidestep the ecological damage - toxic run-off to rivers and coastal areas, water-table pollution, excessive irrigation demands, soil erosion and decline of soil fertility, creation of specific pests and diseases through monoculture, destruction of biodiversity through same and through use of pesticides, flash-flooding and freak winds as a consequence of destruction of hedges and ditches, concentration on products of doubtful necessity like over-production of meat/dairy and their attendant maize, GHG emissions through excessive livestock production, rainforest destruction not carried out by small peasants - caused by industrial farming?
Or is your version of industrial farming some techno-wet-dream that will be happening in 1.5 billion years?
This is really simple: Primitive farming techniques are much less productive per square meter than advanced ones. This means that trying to feed any given number of people with lesser techniques means cultivating far more land. Which destroys the ecosystem that used to be there. We already have 7 billion people on the planet - if modern farming caves in, not a single one of them will go quitely into the night, but all of them will try to find things to eat. This would cause a mass extinction near total in scope of just about everything edible, and nearly everything is edible to humans hungry enough. Societial collapses nearly always take the nearby ecosystems down with them. This has happened many, many times. It still happens - Haiti doesnt really have a vibrant ecology anymore, for example. It will happen again if we should fail at maintaining our technosphere.
Maybe I come across as very fond of technological fixes and somewhat panglossian, but the thing is, if we do not find technological fixes for the ecological issues facing us, it is not mankind that is screwed, it is the planet earth. This is for example why the reaction to fukushima pisses me the fuck off - Noone died, and people are still fleeing from one of the very few energy sources we have that has low ecological impacts. No nuclear accident is ever going to do anything of any significance whatsoever to the non-human bits of the ecology it happens in. The deathrates from cancers are so far down into the noise for wildlife that it is not even funny.
Completely off-topic. One of these days somebody will have to explain me, very slowly, how Keynes is still appropriate in a post-industrial society that is going to suffer (is suffering) a rather strong shrinkage of its resource base (oil, food, water, general ecosystem, ...).
Because all the Very Serious People are Hooverians. Talking about genuine post-Keynesian economics would make heads explode.
And while we certainly have a more pressing need than in Keynes' times to not strangle our industrial plant by making it overly reliant on non-replenishing resources, it is not easy to see how such improvements can be brought about if we are busy strangling our industrial plant with golden fetters.
(Incidentally, I greatly dislike the term "post-industrial society" - it is usually little more than apologia for a vision of society where we make nothing but hamburgers, create nothing but lawyers and sell nothing but tax shelters.)
Past performance is no guarantee of future performance, but so far the productivity loss has been purely self-inflicted, unless you consider the absence of competent policymakers a natural resource shortage.
[just a drive-by ad hominem... ;)] It is rightly acknowledged that people of faith have no monopoly of virtue - Queen Elizabeth II
It is possible that this is the last decade for which such a comment can be made. But this is now, and the future isn't quite here yet. And arguing that the neoliberal thirdworldisation policies were unavoidable when they were not plays directly into the hands of the very people who have been sitting with their thumbs up their asses for the last thirty years when we should have been doing something about the scarcities that are forecast to hit within the next decade or two.
whether a natural resource or not, and, whether there's a "shortage" or not, somewhere, there's a problem:
if better responses exist, the current crop of policy-makers is a bloody-minded lot who adamantly reject and refuse those better responses. There are good reasons to believe that they're doing this for rationally sound reasons though for reasons which are morally corrupt. (With the most amazing nonchalance, they've dismissed the whole notion of moral hazard, once taught with such stern authoritarianism when the subjects and lessons had to do with third-world macro-economic thriftiness, as no longer being very important.)
There are competent policy-analysts, and they're producing valid critiques and useful policy formulations which, ultimately, have been utterly ignored by the PiP. In such circumstances, while it can be disputed as neither a natural resource nor a shortage, so far, one is hard-pressed to explain why it might not as well be desribed that way.
Economic theories which have been thoroughly discredited remain in sway among lots of PiP. Though good critiques are available, these make little impact on practical affairs. So, our real troubles--as numerous analysts have repeated--are political failings more than failings of economic theory at this point. Right?
No, no, you still see moral hazard trotted out to explain why Greece needs to be punished, cannot default, and cannot have its debt rolled over at a discount.
Moral hazard, like other economic concepts, is used selectively in support of political goals. Economics is politics by other means
Q: Who said (apparently not "famously"-enough)
"Deficits don't matter!"
A: Republican U.S. Vice-President Richard "Dick" Cheney. "In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge
the conservative mind can hold two contradictory thoughts, as long as it doesn't think them at the same time.
At some point, the double-standards will collapse under their own weight, won't they?
What part of human history gives you cause for such unbridled optimism?
how Keynes is still appropriate in a post-industrial society that is going to suffer (is suffering) a rather strong shrinkage of its resource base (oil, food, water, general ecosystem, ...).
afaik, keynes had little or no clue that hubbard's curve lay ahead, but imagining he were here today, i think he may guess that we would go to war again, because it makes more money for the rentier class and kills off the youth unemployed surplus who may make trouble in the domestic arena if not safely engaged with another propangandised 'enemy' somewhere preferably far away on some steppe or similarly godforsaken place.
like libya or the falklands...
anyways some could argue that the industrial expansion to gin up for war was a (perverted) keynesian solution to a problem...who's gonna whine about deficits when the future of democracy is at stake?
basically the iraq war was about digging holes and filling them up again, but with the added bonus of the gamble on commanding some of the richest petrochem real estate. either way they win... get paid for reconstruction afterwards too.
war is the age old solution to overpopulation, and dwindling bank profits.
of course if enough people realised there is another way, even the bankers could win, once they let go of the banana in the bottle.
true visionary keynes would be something like the new deal under fdr, but global in scope. something like the blueprints of the advanced western democracies, but even better greed-proofed, and geared to fix unemployment by facing the energy issue head-on, all hands on deck, 24/7, seven days a week, 365 days a year. return energy generation to the Commons, and half the problems are solved. thanks to certain pioneers amongst us, this idea is gestating nicely, out on the edge, while the titans clash at the centre.
victory gardens are another old idea ready to be recycled anew... so many brilliant ideas, all held back because the lead boots of the status quo are afraid more than anything of what they would lose, and utterly blind to what we all could win.
waiting till we are backs to the wall is just immature. 'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty
One of these days somebody will have to explain me, very slowly, how Keynes is still appropriate in a post-industrial society that is going to suffer (is suffering) a rather strong shrinkage of its resource base (oil, food, water, general ecosystem, ...).
The result was that, starting in the '70s with bogus claims that Keynesian prescriptions no longer worked, while ignoring the effect of US peak oil, banking regulation was repealed and national economic policy was turned on its head to successfully halt a one hundred and forty year economic history of rising real wages in the US. The goal was to increase the "take" for holders of capital. This naturally produced economic problems which they falsely blamed on the continuing effects of Keynesian policies and self servingly prescribed tax cuts for the rich and deregulation of business as the "solution". Then, through the elimination of controls on capital flows and efforts to de-legitimate such controls by other countries, they internationalized capital and business while leaving regulation on a national level. This made the application of Keynesian prescriptions on a national level highly problematic and, simultaneously, made international corporations largely ungovernable by nation states. In fact, multinational corporations have increasingly come to regulate what states can do. We are nearing the end point of that process.
Also, bear in mind that what passes for Keynes in the USA, (Hicks-Hansen synthesis plus Samuelson), is a bastardization of Keynes that attempted to recast some of his insights on money, interest and employment into mathematical formalisms, something Keynes had deliberately avoided, and, thereby, promote a perception of precision and control that was unwarranted. Keynes always emphasized the unknowability of the future and our inability to accurately assess risk.
At Bretton Woods in 1946 Keynes proposed an international financial flow clearing system that had taxes on both trade surpluses and deficits that would have prevented most of the fiascoes we have seen in international finance, but the USA rejected it. So naturally, after bastardizing his system, rejecting outright some of his best suggestions and rendering inpossible most of his techniques for controlling national economies, when things blow up they want to blame it on Keynes. Still. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
But somehow, whenever economics is the starting or dominant frame of reference, the socio-economic and political implications always seem to come out as an unfortunate unintended side effect, rather that as a feature of the frame of reference being adopted.
That's the point of most economic models. They are Jesuit logic designed to make your preferred social policies look as though they fall out of some rigorous formal and objective theory purely by happenstance.
Or, as Mig has put it more concisely: Economics is about bullshit mathematical arguments to support one's ideological policy choices.
Very well. Then this point must be hammered home again and again and, most of all, where it counts: among the "Jesuits", i.e. the annointed up-and-coming class trained in the Seminaries known as graduate schools of business administration.
Another, related, but no less important point (for another thread on another day) is that, with the election of Barack Obama, we have one of probably many examples to come of the "pay-off" for literally decades of patient and determined econo-political indoctrination of the public. Obama is the flesh-and-blood culmination of dragging the accepted political spectrum so far to the "Right" that he is thought of as the embodiment of a Leftist. Again, that's is almost the whole ballgame before the first pitch is thrown. It's important to bear in mind that this sea-change didn't come about by magic. It's the result of enormous and determined long labors. And, against it, the supposed representatives and care-takers of the opposed views have done essentially nothing at all. No one should be surprised, then, if the landscape of econo-political opinion offers practically nothing in a publicly-understood alternative to the socially destructive neo-liberal approach.
But the simple fact is that nowhere is the point (mentioned above) being hammered home--not among the graduate schools' MBA candidates and not among any notable general public.
As Serge Halimi points out in an front-page article in the current issue of Le Monde Diplomatique,
"Economique mais aussi démocratique, la crise européenne soulève quatre questions principales. Pourquoi des politiques dont la banqueroute est assurée sont-elles néanmoins déployées dans trois pays (Irlande, Portugal, Grèce) avec une férocité remarquée ? Les architectes de ces choix sont-ils des illuminés pour que chaque échec -- prévisible -- de leur médication les conduise à en décupler la dose ? Dans des systèmes démocratiques, comment expliquer que les peuples victimes de telles ordonnances semblent n'avoir d'autre recours que de remplacer un gouvernement qui a failli par un autre idéologiquement jumeau et déterminé à pratiquer la même « thérapie de choc » ? Enfin, est-il possible de faire autrement ? "La réponse aux deux premières questions s'impose sitôt qu'on s'affranchit du verbiage publicitaire sur l'« intérêt général », les « valeurs partagées de l'Europe », le « vivre ensemble ». Loin d'être folles, les politiques mises en oeuvre sont rationnelles. Et, pour l'essentiel, elles atteignent leur objectif. Seulement, celui-ci n'est pas de mettre un terme à la crise économique et financière, mais d'en recueillir les fruits, incroyablement juteux. Une crise qui permet de supprimer des centaines de milliers de postes de fonctionnaires (en Grèce, neuf départs à la retraite sur dix ne seront pas remplacés), d'amputer leurs traitements et la durée de leurs congés payés, de brader des pans entiers de l'économie au profit d'intérêts privés, de remettre en cause le droit du travail, d'augmenter les impôts indirects (les plus inégalitaires), de relever les tarifs des services publics, de réduire le remboursement des soins de santé, d'exaucer en somme le rêve d'une société de marché -- cette crise-là constitue la providence des libéraux. En temps ordinaire, la moindre des mesures prises les aurait contraints à un combat incertain et acharné ; ici, tout vient d'un coup. Pourquoi souhaiteraient-ils donc la sortie d'un tunnel qui ressemble pour eux à une autoroute vers la Terre promise ?" http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2011/07/HALIMI/20760 ------------- Economic as well as democratic, the European crisis raises four main questions. Why are policies which amount to a sure road to bankruptcy nonetheless put into effect in three countries (Ireland, Portugal, Greece) with a ferocity such as has been observed? Can we call the architects of such choices enlightened when the result --the predictable result-- of each of their treatments lead to a multiplication of doses? How is it to be explained under democratic systems that the victims of such prescriptions have no other recourse than to replace one such failed government with another--an ideological twin, detemined to practice the same "shock therapy"? And, ultimately, could it be otherwise? The answers to the first two questions become evident as soon as we depart from the publicity verbiage of 'the general interest,' 'the shared values of Europe,' and 'living together.' Far from being crazy, the policies being put in place are rational. And, for the most part, they attain their objective. It's just that this objective is not to put an end to the economic and financial crises, but to reap the incredibly juicy fruits of these crises. A crisis which permits the suppression of thousands of public posts (in Greece, nine out of ten departures in retirement will not be replaced), which shortens salaries and the length of paid leave, which sells off whole sectors of the economy to the benefit of private interests, which placces in question the right to work, which raises indirect taxes (the most inequitable kind), which raises the fees applied to public services, reduces the coverage of public health care, which, in short, realizes the dream of a market society--this crisis is providential for neo-liberals and for attaining their neo-liberal objectives. In ordinary times, any such measures taken would have forced an uncertain and hard struggle; here, they come all of a sudden. Why would they seek the end of a tunnel that looks like a highway for them to the Promised Land?' "
"Economique mais aussi démocratique, la crise européenne soulève quatre questions principales. Pourquoi des politiques dont la banqueroute est assurée sont-elles néanmoins déployées dans trois pays (Irlande, Portugal, Grèce) avec une férocité remarquée ? Les architectes de ces choix sont-ils des illuminés pour que chaque échec -- prévisible -- de leur médication les conduise à en décupler la dose ? Dans des systèmes démocratiques, comment expliquer que les peuples victimes de telles ordonnances semblent n'avoir d'autre recours que de remplacer un gouvernement qui a failli par un autre idéologiquement jumeau et déterminé à pratiquer la même « thérapie de choc » ? Enfin, est-il possible de faire autrement ?
"La réponse aux deux premières questions s'impose sitôt qu'on s'affranchit du verbiage publicitaire sur l'« intérêt général », les « valeurs partagées de l'Europe », le « vivre ensemble ». Loin d'être folles, les politiques mises en oeuvre sont rationnelles. Et, pour l'essentiel, elles atteignent leur objectif. Seulement, celui-ci n'est pas de mettre un terme à la crise économique et financière, mais d'en recueillir les fruits, incroyablement juteux. Une crise qui permet de supprimer des centaines de milliers de postes de fonctionnaires (en Grèce, neuf départs à la retraite sur dix ne seront pas remplacés), d'amputer leurs traitements et la durée de leurs congés payés, de brader des pans entiers de l'économie au profit d'intérêts privés, de remettre en cause le droit du travail, d'augmenter les impôts indirects (les plus inégalitaires), de relever les tarifs des services publics, de réduire le remboursement des soins de santé, d'exaucer en somme le rêve d'une société de marché -- cette crise-là constitue la providence des libéraux. En temps ordinaire, la moindre des mesures prises les aurait contraints à un combat incertain et acharné ; ici, tout vient d'un coup. Pourquoi souhaiteraient-ils donc la sortie d'un tunnel qui ressemble pour eux à une autoroute vers la Terre promise ?"
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2011/07/HALIMI/20760
-------------
Economic as well as democratic, the European crisis raises four main questions. Why are policies which amount to a sure road to bankruptcy nonetheless put into effect in three countries (Ireland, Portugal, Greece) with a ferocity such as has been observed? Can we call the architects of such choices enlightened when the result --the predictable result-- of each of their treatments lead to a multiplication of doses? How is it to be explained under democratic systems that the victims of such prescriptions have no other recourse than to replace one such failed government with another--an ideological twin, detemined to practice the same "shock therapy"? And, ultimately, could it be otherwise?
The answers to the first two questions become evident as soon as we depart from the publicity verbiage of 'the general interest,' 'the shared values of Europe,' and 'living together.' Far from being crazy, the policies being put in place are rational. And, for the most part, they attain their objective. It's just that this objective is not to put an end to the economic and financial crises, but to reap the incredibly juicy fruits of these crises. A crisis which permits the suppression of thousands of public posts (in Greece, nine out of ten departures in retirement will not be replaced), which shortens salaries and the length of paid leave, which sells off whole sectors of the economy to the benefit of private interests, which placces in question the right to work, which raises indirect taxes (the most inequitable kind), which raises the fees applied to public services, reduces the coverage of public health care, which, in short, realizes the dream of a market society--this crisis is providential for neo-liberals and for attaining their neo-liberal objectives. In ordinary times, any such measures taken would have forced an uncertain and hard struggle; here, they come all of a sudden. Why would they seek the end of a tunnel that looks like a highway for them to the Promised Land?' "
It's all very well having a debate about different economic schools of thought, and the different policy options they generate, but let's not point the finger
In my view, this is an exceptionally useful article in that it offers a different economic frame to the overwhelmingly common wisdom, with policy options to match - without pointing fingers.
A piece about the implications for democracy and society would probably be better aimed at another outlet than Eurointelligence, which is very focused on economics.
It is a bit like coming to the European Tribune and suggesting bottom-up, non-institutional solutions. ;)
I am not being sarcastic or negative. Just making a statement of fact. Migs effort is the best possible for the venue at hand. It should be highly commended for that, even from us who do not believe on that path.
I don't have a problem with that paragraph being dropped for the reasons you and others here have mentioned - it wasn't central to your argument and it deserves at least a 1000 word article all to itself.
Perhaps I haven't been sufficiently clear. I'm not knocking Mig or his article - I entitled my comment "Well done". I just think he, and others here, are capable of so much more and want to goad them to have the ambition and courage to do it. Index of Frank's Diaries
I'm sick of "you could do so much more". I do what I do. Economics is politics by other means
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