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On the contrary, I don't think "trying and failing"
Since Marx or possibly before, the left has had a fatal desire for the apocalyptic moment when the system will magically crash
The system will crash because it pursues policies that are fundamentally untenable. Pointing this out does not show a desire for the crash, it shows a prediction of the crash. That you regard the elementary macroeconomic identities underlying this argument as "magic" does not demonstrate that you are politically sophisticated. It demonstrates that you are economically illiterate.
If you pursue those policies when you are in government, you are making things worse. It doesn't matter, in the final analysis, that a government further to the right would have made things worse faster. Unless you have a clear plan for how to stop making things worse, the system is eventually going to fail.
When it fails, you will be discredited, because you were complicit in its failure.
And when that happens, the left needs to have parties and movements that are outside the cozy consensus of compulsive centrist disorder sufferers. Because you can bet your constitution that the right will have such movements.
Sniping at those left-wing movements is not productive.
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
Yes. This is the Albert Speer defence: better to be inside the regime moderating it, than to be outside in the opposition, which also by chance happens to be far less comfortable, or more dangerous. The Albert Speer defence is a bad idea 99% of the time. Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
Source? Methinks that's a rather twisted alternative history. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
At the 12th party congress of the KPD in June 1929 in Berlin-Wedding, Thälmann, in conformity with the position adopted by the Soviet Union leadership under Joseph Stalin, adopted a policy of confrontation with the SPD. This followed the events of "Bloody May", in which 32 people were killed by the police in an attempt to suppress demonstrations which had been banned by the Interior Minister, Carl Severing, a Social Democrat. During that time, Thälmann and the KPD fought the SPD as their main political enemy, acting according to the Comintern policy which declared Social Democrats and Socialists to be "social fascists". By 1927, Karl Kilbom, the Comintern representative to Germany, had started to combat this ultra leftist tendency of Thälmann within the German Communist Party, but found it to be impossible when he found Stalin was against him. Another aspect of this strategy was to attempt to win over the leftist elements of the Nazi Party, especially the SA, who largely came from a working class background and supported socialist economic policies. These guidelines on social democracy as "social fascism" remained in force until 1935 when the Comintern officially switched to endorsing a "popular front" of socialists, liberals and even conservatives against the Nazi threat. By that time, of course, Adolf Hitler had come to power and the KPD had largely been destroyed.
During that time, Thälmann and the KPD fought the SPD as their main political enemy, acting according to the Comintern policy which declared Social Democrats and Socialists to be "social fascists". By 1927, Karl Kilbom, the Comintern representative to Germany, had started to combat this ultra leftist tendency of Thälmann within the German Communist Party, but found it to be impossible when he found Stalin was against him. Another aspect of this strategy was to attempt to win over the leftist elements of the Nazi Party, especially the SA, who largely came from a working class background and supported socialist economic policies. These guidelines on social democracy as "social fascism" remained in force until 1935 when the Comintern officially switched to endorsing a "popular front" of socialists, liberals and even conservatives against the Nazi threat. By that time, of course, Adolf Hitler had come to power and the KPD had largely been destroyed.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_Th%C3%A4lmann
Stalin himself invented the thing, though: Thälmann was just the simple minded figure-head Stalin kept in place to keep the KPD more pliable.
Now how much this fraticidial policy mattered is another matter: After all nobody wanted to cooperate with them anyway. For good reasons: Just ask the POUM and the anarchists how fighting in one front with the communists worked out for them...
Do you really want to hash out the battles of 1929 or 1936 now?
And the narrative of social fascism was invented and told in admirable discipline by the communists, the KPD being as usual the model pupil.
And no, I don't claim a popular front would have worked if the communists had tried it earlier. But is a simple fact that they didn't pursue one until 1935.
And that the role of the communists during the spanish civil war showed the limits of a popular front can't be denied either.
I don't think challenging the whitewashing of the SPD's role and the unqualified negative portrayal of the KPD constitutes the whitewashing of Stalinist parties of the thirties. It says a lot, however, that Social Democrat supporters like rootless2 (who brought it up) and you spend so much more effort and emotion on denouncing the KPD than on denouncing the bourgeois parties. After all, a popular front could have achieved only so much as a minority without the involvement of the supposedly democratic bourgeois parties, but the Enabling Act passed with a two-thirds majority, with the approval of the cowardly to pro-Hitler predecessors of CDU, CSU and FDP.
is a simple fact that they didn't pursue one until 1935.
That's simply untrue. They pursued one from spring 1932, first in the form of a general strike offer, then an offer directly to the Prussian SPD in June 1932, finally another direct offer to the SPD and liberal parties in January-February 1933. These offers were rejected. If you want to argue that SPD and ADGB had reasons to be sceptical, you will also have to admit that the 1929 or 1932 KPD had plenty of historical reasons to be wary of the SPD. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
"I don't think challenging the whitewashing of the SPD's role"
But I have said nothing about the politics of the SPD: I just pointed put that the KPD followed the social fascism theory from 1929-1933: A simple historical fact you still deny.
" and the unqualified negative portrayal of the KPD constitutes the whitewashing of Stalinist parties of the thirties. "
The stalinist KPD of the late twenties and early thirties truthfully portrayed is a unqualified negative portrayal.
"It says a lot, however, that Social Democrat supporters like rootless2 (who brought it up) and you spend so much more effort and emotion on denouncing the KPD than on denouncing the bourgeois parties."
And that says a lot only of the weakness of your position; instead of challenging my facts, you make assumptions about my motives. Why should I say anything about the right-wing parties? They did not invent social fascism after all and more importantly they don't find apologists on this blog. This discussion started when you and Karin wanted to whitewash the strategy of the KPD between 1929-1933. If you want me to discuss the right-wing turn of the Zentrum past 1930, their flirting with a Zentrum-NSDAP coalition after the first 1932 election and so on, I can do that too.
"After all, a popular front could have achieved only so much as a minority without the involvement of the supposedly democratic bourgeois parties, but the Enabling Act passed with a two-thirds majority, with the approval of the cowardly to pro-Hitler predecessors of CDU, CSU and FDP."
You don't say. I have pointed out again and again that a popular front perhaps wouldn't have much difference anyway. So what? The KPD didn't even tried.
"That's simply untrue. They pursued one from spring 1932, first in the form of a general strike offer, then an offer directly to the Prussian SPD in June 1932, finally another direct offer to the SPD and liberal parties in January-February 1933. These offers were rejected."
There were no offers to be rejected, The KPD supported the popular initiative to topple the prussian government in 1931, they worked together with the NSDAP in the Berlin public transport strike in 1932. The "offer" was directed to supporters of the SPD and teh ADGB, to join a unity front with the KPD against their leaders. But that is of course just another version of social fascism: if you just want the gain the supporters of another party, that is not an offer of cooperation.
In May(!) 1933 the position of the KPD still was:
,,Die völlige Ausschaltung der Sozialfaschisten aus dem Staatsapparat, die brutale Unterdrückung auch der sozialdemokratischen Organisation und ihrer Presse ändern nichts an der Tatsache, dass sie nach wie vor die soziale Hauptstütze der Kapitalsdiktatur darstellen.
Is that supposed to be an offer? I only see the repetition of the social fascism theory, even after the catastrophe.
If you want to argue that SPD and ADGB had reasons to be sceptical, you will also have to admit that the 1929 or 1932 KPD had plenty of historical reasons to be wary of the SPD.
Tu quoque? Do you still want to deny the existence of the social fascism theory between 1929 and 1934 or do you want to argue that is was right?
But I have said nothing about the politics of the SPD:
Indeed. You don't say anything about the politics of the SPD and you demand that we are as uncritical. You even tried to insinuate that all criticism of social democrats was (and is, I suppose) stalinist.
This discussion started when you and Karin wanted to whitewash the strategy of the KPD between 1929-1933.
No, it started when you end Rootless deplored a left that is unsupportive of social democrats. You tried to insinuate that all criticism of social democrats was (and is, I suppose) stalinist.
You on the other hand explicitly denied that the KPD did follow the social fascism strategy from 1929-1934. Do you want do deny that they were a stalinist party from the late twenties too?
"Is, I suppose?)" There are not a thousand Stalinists left in Germany. Hell, there are more Trotskyites.
And I apologise for calling you Karin, Katrin.
You on the other hand explicitly denied that the KPD did follow the social fascism strategy from 1929-1934.
I deny the claim that the KPD saw the SPD as their "main" enemy. I even more deny all claims that there were no rational reasons for Left opposition to the SPD.
And I apologise for calling you Karin, Katrin
You are welcome. No need to apologise for your mistake.
social democrats penchant for acting against the interests of the class they ought to represent
rootless doesn't seem to be denying that the Social Democrats do not represent the class that you think they ought to represent. He even seems to claim that it's in the nature of things given the balance of power in the broader political economy.
The question is, suppose you're doing something else to build alternative bases of power in the broader political economy. At some point presumably a party that represents this alternative power base will be a competitor in electoral politics and will be worth voting for in preference to the Soc Dems because they can "win" (which is "what matters"). But, if you never vote for alternative parties, how do you know they're ready for prime time? guaranteed to evoke a violent reaction from police is to challenge their right to "define the situation." --- David Graeber citing Marc Cooper
Mühsamn and Tucholsky are not proponents of the social fascism theory and indeed were often quite unhappy with the politics of the late KPD.
As far as delegitimisation goes: Traitor party? Who is delegitimising now? And in very unoriginal way, I grant you that.
"And who is the one here who is trying to whitewash criminal parties of the thirties, and in a cheap way at that?"
You. I don't whitewash a single criminal party of the thirties. You on the other hand are on a path where next you tell me that Bucharin was indeed a german-japanese-trotskyite agent.
That's a good one.
Again: Austerity carried the Nazis to power. Any effort to oppose the Nazis which did not oppose austerity was built to fail, and would have given at most a very temporary reprieve.
Hindsight is 20/20. Given the state of economic science back then, you couldn't be sure austerity wouldn't work. It's only after the Great Depression we got conclusive evidence, even though TPTB do their best to ignore it. Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
And of course if you want to argue based on what was known at the time, it was not at all stupid for the KPD to attempt to recruit or co-opt the SA - they recruited from similar demographics, and they had arguably greater overlap in their economic policy prescriptions than existed between the KPD and the pro-gold standard SPD.
It happened to be wrong, but it was not stupid. Attempting the same thing today would be stupid. Just as supporting austerity today would be even more stupid than it was then.
And some countries followed the orthodoxy without going fascist, so your fitting anything into your box is wrong anyway.
Mühsamn and Tucholsky are not proponents of the social fascism theory and indeed were often quite unhappy with the politics of the late KPD
Right. More interesting for our point here is that they were quite unhappy with the politics of the SPD. So your insinuation that only stalinists who get their orders from Moscow can be principled critics of the SPD is proved wrong once more.
As far as delegitimisation goes: Traitor party?
Never heard that before? Here is another one:
And yes, I have read my Tucholsky too and that is another reason why I reject your remodeling him into a Thälmann supporter. And no, citing Ossietzky won't change that either.
And yes, I have read my Tucholsky too and that is another reason why I reject your remodeling him into a Thälmann supporter.
And nothing will change your disingenuous strategy of calling all critics of the SPD "Thälmann supporters".
(Herbert Wehner: Thälmann Supporter!)
Easy.
And somebody who thinks the social fascism strategy of the KPD in the late twenties and early thirties was right, is a Thälmann supporter.
And here you and the KPD of days past indeed touch: You but think pesky things like coalitions are not necessary, as long as the own sect is pure enough.
Apparently it was Zinoviev, but Stalin resurrected it later.
Thälmann was just the simple minded figure-head Stalin kept
Here you deny Bloody May as potential motive, and forget about Thälmann's later deviation from the policy.
Just ask the POUM and the anarchists
That was years later and a thousand kilometres away. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
Especially not in the period of stalinisation for the KPD.
What deviation? There wasn't one. And Thälmann had his clear limits and was kept in place by Stalin after the KPD wanted to replace him for incompetence. And rewarded this intervention with slavish support.
"That was years later and a thousand kilometres away."
"Fornication-- but that was in another country / And besides, the wench is dead."?
The international brigades - who were purged too - did think differently. And 1936 is not that far away from 1929-1933. And the spanish civil war did show the limits of a popular front policy with the stalinists.
Because you say so? I guess you don't see any relevance of the SPD's positions at the start of WWI, before, during and after the Spartacus Uprising, during Brüning's two cabinets, and the November 1932 elections in which it campaigned with the "Nazis und Kozis" slogan; either.
What deviation?
You could have found an indication in this same sub-thread, but now see another reply to you. You bring too much emotion behind a selective reading of history.
And 1936 is not that far away from 1929-1933.
Just considering the many 180-degree turns during Stalin's rule (for example on economic policy), 7-3 years make a difference. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
You have a selective reading of history: You just take the popular front strategy of 1935, make a retcon and let it start in 1932. That did not happen, however much you seem to wish it out of an emotional investment in the stalinist KPD. I mean really, I can understand a Rosa Luxemburg fan, but Thälmann the stalinist?
Once again: If you appeal to voters, members etc. of the SPD and the ADGB to revolt against their leaders and form unity front with the KPD against their leaders, then that is not an offer of alliance, but rather a simple try to gain voters etc.
And since you like to retread farther and farther in history: Was there a unity front with SAP or KPO? What is your excuse for that fact?
Deal with it: The KPD was much to occupied with purges and hating social democrats to fight fascism. If you live in a world where Trotsky is the main enemy and then Braun and then perhaps Hitler, you are not a very good anti-fascist.
This debate appears to me to have become more about emotion than facts. In particular, there's excessive playing the player rather than the ball. All try to stick to the argument rather than kicking each other.
I mean really, I can understand a Rosa Luxemburg fan, but Thälmann the stalinist
And who is a Thälmann fan here? It was you who equalled not voting social democrat with Thälmann's policy!
Now you will answer SPD this and SPD that. But riddle me this: how well did the KPD cooperate with the SAPD?
And that is by the way why I mentioned how the communists in Spain dealt with the POUM. Or was the PUOM a bunch of neoliberals too.
And traitor party - that is indeed the language of social fascism.
Now you will answer SPD this and SPD that.
Yes, because that is the topic here! Social democrats reliably introduce right wing policies. At this point of the discussion you introduced Thälmann. Now you try to defame every critic of social democrats as a stalinist. Pointing out how universal criticism is makes you complain I cited Tucholsky or Mühsam as supporters of orthodox KPD policies. No: only you believe in the fairy tale that this criticism was something stalinist! My topic IS "SPD this and SPD that" and I come to the conclusion not to vote them. They are not a party of the left.
And rootless argues that the "left" is, then, smaller than 15% in the OECD over the past 30 years, and then we bicker and then Sarkozy and Le Pen form a coalition government. guaranteed to evoke a violent reaction from police is to challenge their right to "define the situation." --- David Graeber citing Marc Cooper
That, to return to the beginning, was indeed the narrative of the KPD during the early thirties. You still haven't answered why the KPD was unwilling to cooperate with the SAPD e. g. And your excursions to Tucholsky and Mühsam doesn't change anything about KPD policy.
"Now you try to defame every critic of social democrats as a stalinist."
You can surely prove this tall claim? I did nothing of the sort.
"Pointing out how universal criticism is makes you complain I cited Tucholsky or Mühsam as supporters of orthodox KPD policies. No: only you believe in the fairy tale that this criticism was something stalinist!"
It wasn't. It also has nothing to do with the KPD. Stalinist criticism like that of the late KPD is indeed Stalinist.
It also has nothing to do with the KPD.
Exactly! So, can you suppress to cry out "Thälmann" when I blame social democrats for policies that are detrimental for the working class?
(And I hit the "4" only by accident)
Otherwise, you introduce a number of minor nit-picks that avoid the point. The social fascism strategy was a fiasco of stunning proportions - as predicted by Trotsky and numerous others. And today we see not only the same idiot theory that the far right is not as dangerous as the social democrats, the same sullen excuse that "they started it", and the same suicidal idea that racist "populism" can be made leftist.
What DoDo points out is that when the allegedly social democratic parties prefer to govern with the right over governing with the communists, the communists are not wholly unjustified in regarding them as the centrist wing of the right.
Your logic - that a nominally right-wing cabinet must be prevented in the next election at all cost - should lead people to vote for SPD, no matter how Schröderite they have become. In fact, the more Schröderite, the greater the motivation to vote for them, because they insist on not coalitioning with Die Linke.
Essentially, the SPD is giving the voter an ultimatum: Give us an absolute majority and we will govern like the CDU but minus 10 %. Or give us less than an absolute majority, and we will govern with the CDU.
The correct response to that is not "OK, I'll give you my vote." The correct response is "fuck off and die."
As impressed as I am by the power of saying "fuck off and die", I have to ask what it accomplishes. A lot of what passes for "left" thought these days seems to boil down to "we'll give them the finger until they respect us".
-- The big demonstrations in London and Washington against the US attack on Iraq a few years ago offer an exemplary case of this strange symbiotic relationship between power and resistance. Their paradoxical outcome was that both sides were satisfied. The protesters saved their beautiful souls: they made it clear that they don't agree with the government's policy on Iraq. Those in power calmly accepted it, even profited from it: not only did the protests in no way prevent the already-made decision to attack Iraq; they also served to legitimise it. --- - Zizek.
It depends, of course, on the election rules of the country in question. In Britain, you'll have to vote against the Tories at the UK level, and work on taking the devolved assemblies. In Scandinavia and Germany, where proportional systems prevail, you can vote for left-of-PES parties without worrying about splitting the vote. In France you can vote for left-of-PES in the first round and against UMP-FN in the second.
But the notion that it can never make sense to support a left-of-centre party at the national level is a case of American parochialism.
The lesson here is that the truly subversive thing is not to insist on `infinite' demands we know those in power cannot fulfil. Since they know that we know it, such an `infinitely demanding' attitude presents no problem for those in power: `So wonderful that, with your critical demands, you remind us what kind of world we would all like to live in. Unfortunately, we live in the real world, where we have to make do with what is possible.' The thing to do is, on the contrary, to bombard those in power with strategically well-selected, precise, finite demands, which can't be met with the same excuse.
Rejecting the logic of austerity is not a finite demand. A finite demand is something like: co-operatives should get access to the same credit that is given to banks, or improving tenants of abandoned properties should be able to take title and clear the debt, or e.g. crowdfunding should be legalized, or access to public transportation should be low cost. ...
But the logic of austerity is not a law of nature. It is something that has been imposed politically since late 2009. And the imposition of that "logic" hasn't been without a substantial amount of arm-twisting.
So, why should the Social Democrats have accepted the logic of austerity in the first place?
On the other hand, you're right that rejecting the Maastricht treaty, is not a finite demand. However the Austerians have managed to get a new "treaty" negotiated in about 3 months. So, apparently certain kinds of treaty reforms are not infinite tasks. A treaty reform becomes infinite when it's a demand for the purpose of improving the lot of the general population.
In that vein, Yanis Varoufakis' Modest Proposal is a finite demand since it is explicitly built within the institutional constraints out of a sense of "urgency" (we don't have time for bona-fide treaty negotiations). The democratic deficit, TINA, and institutional constraints featured prominently in this panel discussion:
Of course, while there is no time for bona-fide treaty negotiations there's always time for a treaty imposed by Merkozy on the rest of the 27 on the argument that TINA.
Why anyone should vote for those on the "left" who accepted such a treaty is beyond me anyway. guaranteed to evoke a violent reaction from police is to challenge their right to "define the situation." --- David Graeber citing Marc Cooper
Rejecting the logic of austerity is not a finite demand.
A finite demand is something like: co-operatives should get access to the same credit that is given to banks, or improving tenants of abandoned properties should be able to take title and clear the debt, or e.g. crowdfunding should be legalized, or access to public transportation should be low cost. ...
At least you admit it. Now, will you admit that the SPD's rejection of these offers and its policy after the Berlin strike (not to speak of what it did in the teens and twenties), and the SPD leadership's failure to seek confrontation with the Nazis and cooperation with others until the final moment wasn't that wise, either?
Otherwise, you introduce a number of minor nit-picks that avoid the point.
Minor nitpicks that together destroy your position. Besides, your whole argumentation avoids more significant points:
Speaking of Trotsky's letter, have you read it all? While he argues that the KPD's policy is stupid (believing in December 1931 that a fascist takeover in a civil war is only months away), he does so with the parallel of his own cooperation with the later backstabbed Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries against Kornilov, denouncing the SPD in the process in quite "social fascist" tones:
Leon Trotsky: For a Workers' United Front Against Fascism (1931)
The Social Democracy supports Brüning, votes for him, assumes responsibility for him before the masses-on the grounds that the Brüning government is the "lesser evil." [...] We Marxists regard Brüning and Hitler, [SPD PM of Prussia Otto] Braun included, as component parts of one and the same system. The question as to which one of them is the "lesser evil" has no sense, for the system we are fighting against needs all these elements. But these elements are momentarily involved in conflicts with one another and the party of the proletariat must take advantage of these conflicts in the interest of the revolution.
There was no offer. And why there wasn't an offer is explained nice by Trotsky: If you just want to gain, the voters, activists of another party in order to destroy them, you don't offer anything. And laying the blame for the cooperation of KPD and NSDAP in the Berlin transport strike on the SPD is hilariois. On the problems with cooperation and confrontation more below.
"the SPD support for Brüning hurt the SPD's credibility with voters;"
Yes. On the other hand, when the SPD in 1932 opposed papen and Schleicher, the results were not much better. Also, there still was DDP-Zentrum-SPD coalition in Prussia and the SPD wanted to preserve it. Now the prussian government and it's importance tended to be overestimated, but if you remember the size, that is understandable.
" the KPD's blindness in not seeking a popular front earlier and more seriously is mirrored by a similar blindness of the SPD's leadership;"
A popular front with the KPD, that wasn't possible because of the position of the KPD anyway, would have ended all cooperation of the SPD with Zentrum and DDP. Especially in Prussia. The general problem of your cooperation demands is that a cooperation with DDP and Zentrum was possible and a cooperation with the KPD was possible, but not both. In the end a cooperation with neither was posssible.
"the SPD was also blind to the fact that the courts and the constitution won't protect them against a fascist coup (and that even after it happened to them once in Prussia) and failed to mobilise their unions or militia;"
True. But the civil war in austria, where your recommendations were followed, was lost.
"with or without a popular front, the SPD and the KPD just weren't enough in terms of popular base, and the Nazis wouldn't have risen to power without the support or cowardy folding of the bourgeois parties."
exactly! And that is why your complaints that everything would have gone well if just the SPD would have fight - with what allies? - are so unrealistic.
"as predicted by Trotsky"
Trotsky indeed pointed out unwittingly the problems of a popular front with communists. (And that was not years later and miles away)
Well, in the long run we are all untenable but the claimed imminent demise of capitalism seems about as reliable as the claimed imminent return of Jesus.
Of course as soon as enough leftists denounce the false consciousness of the followers of hegemonist thinking, the revisionists, the sectarians, and everyone else, I'm sure the fucking revolution will happen right away. That's such a great program and it has such a brilliant track record. Oooh, I'm going to be "discredited" and will lose my Scientific Socialism merit badge. Fear and trembling.
I never anywhere stated, for I do not believe, that social collapse will bring about the end of "capitalism."
Judging by historical experience, however, it will bring about the end of the centrist parties. And if you have not cultivated an organisation outside the cozy centrist consensus, then you will be caught with your pants down when that happens.
Now, betting that this will not happen before the next election is usually a safe bet, in the sense that you will be right more often than not. But that is also true of the betting that the stock market will keep on rising this week, and betting that not doing a maintenance checkup on your nuclear power plant will not make it blow up this week. Or any other bet with a large probability of a small upside and a small probability of a catastrophic downside. If you keep taking that sort of bets you will, eventually, lose your shirt.
The Vichy Socialism of Mitterand, for example, preceded not the collapse of the mushy centrist parties but the collapse of the far left.
If you have some historical experience that validates the performance of compulsive centrists in a serious economic crisis, I'm all ears.
It's enough to make one miss vulgar class analysis. At least that is more sophisticated and illuminating than pseudo-psychology of that sort.
Then please elucidate the advantage to be gained by a broader left front embracing Brünning's pro-Nazi policies.
Alternatively, you can explain how a broader left coalition would have been able to sway the social democrats away from supporting Brünning's pro-Nazi policies.
Because the crux of the matter is that Brünning's policies were built-to-fail. Any party that embraced them would be dragged down with them, as becomes obvious when you examine the electoral results of the relevant parties.
I don't get the theory that one should approach politics via grievance. Politics is about power.
That's rather the problem, it tends to become power for power's sake.
So basically one has to cozy up to the aspiring powerful in hopes of being able to enact policy when the aspiring powerful becomes powerful.
Expecting the aspiring powerful to have a policy is too much. guaranteed to evoke a violent reaction from police is to challenge their right to "define the situation." --- David Graeber citing Marc Cooper
Perhaps not allying with Nazis would be sufficient though.
When was KDP allied with the Nazis? Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
In the early civil-rights movement, Randolph led the March on Washington Movement, which convinced Franklin D. Roosevelt to desegregate production-plants for military supplies during World War II.
That is, they played the game of politics. And, yes, it's both ugly and dangerously corrupting.
That is what happens when allegedly social democratic parties govern to the right in fear of losing the next election if they govern according to reality.
Spain and Portugal are going to provide the next couple of equally illustrative examples, because PSOE and the Portuguese PS made the same mistake.
And if Hollande fails to govern to the left, you're looking at a FdG vs. FN or UMP (depending on the staying power of UMP) election in 2017.
So we better fucking hope that Hollande governs to the left. I can live with the PS losing a PS vs. UMP election in 2017 because PS didn't TINA. FdG losing a FdG vs. FN because PS did TINA... not so much.
If only the would - you know - show some gumption. But they won't - they are what they are.
Social democrats often govern to the right of their rhetoric.
Yes. That's where the name traitor party comes from. You seem to attribute that behaviour to weakness though, where I see mendacity.
So, we have the choice between right-wing parties openly saying they want to drive inequality up, wages down, and fight some wars against brown skinned people if the US want that and social-democrat parties not saying openly that they want about the same policy, but doing so if elected. Or else we vote left parties and are accused that we don't really want power if we vote so small parties. Because these parties split the left vote, have a problem with dogmatists, and so.
But I also disagree that the social democratic parties are the same or follow the same policies as the right wing parties.
The difference between a SD/Green implementation of such policies and a Thatcher or Pinochet one, may seem unimportant to you,...
And for you there is one method to show that one takes that difference seriously: voting SD/Green, eh?
Zizek's nasty remarks about the London anti-war demonstrations can't be wished away.
Funny you should say that. ElPais.com in English: Group that spawned 15-M splits over change in structure (24 April 2012)
During a special assembly on Sunday, members approved the change in the group's structure. That sparked 48 hours of name-calling and insults on social networking sites such as Twitter. The row has come just weeks before a public demonstration that has been scheduled for May 12, which will kick off a series of marches to mark the first anniversary of the 15-M movement. Now DRY appears to have split. One faction of the organization, headed by spokesman Fabio Gándara, has - for some time - been arguing for the need to change the group's structure, in an effort, among other things, to speed up the decision-making process at assemblies, where members have demanded full consensus before taking a decision. The other faction, however, says that DRY would lose a lot of its broad representation if it were to change its status from a loose grassroots group to a full registered organization. While some in DRY are looking at making the group more operational, others want to study ways to improve its internal methods to attract greater participation.
Now DRY appears to have split. One faction of the organization, headed by spokesman Fabio Gándara, has - for some time - been arguing for the need to change the group's structure, in an effort, among other things, to speed up the decision-making process at assemblies, where members have demanded full consensus before taking a decision.
The other faction, however, says that DRY would lose a lot of its broad representation if it were to change its status from a loose grassroots group to a full registered organization. While some in DRY are looking at making the group more operational, others want to study ways to improve its internal methods to attract greater participation.
Well, I don't think I'm really referring to Serious people, but rather serious people. Krugman and Stiglitz are serious, but not Serious anymore. The British occupy people are neither. Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
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