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It is a common notion, but wrong, that France is an ailing economy. France and Germany have enjoyed almost identical levels of labour productivity for the past 50 years. Both countries have achieved a similar economic performance since the introduction of the euro -- with Germany doing a little worse than France before the financial crisis, and a little better since. France is not like Italy -- which has failed to generate much productivity growth since entering the eurozone. This is why the case for eurozone exit, as made by Marine Le Pen, was not as strong in France, as it will be in Italy. France, however, has been breaching the EU's fiscal rules. It has debts of 100 per cent of gross domestic product, while Germany is on course to reduce its debt-to-GDP ratio to 60 per cent by the end of this decade -- the official, but much ignored, debt ceiling in the eurozone. If Mr Macron has any chance to persuade Berlin of the virtue of a common eurozone budget and a common finance minister, as set out in his manifesto, he will need to demonstrate that he is serious about fulfilling the treaty rules. Fortunately for him, the timing is good. The eurozone economy is in a mild cyclical upswing. There is no better time to consolidate but now. His programme set out a moderately strong fiscal squeeze of 60bn over five years. At an average annual rate of 12bn, this is between 0.5 per cent and 0.6 per cent of last year's economic output. Germany is happy that Mr Macron won the election but virtually nobody in Berlin is talking about his idea of a common eurozone budget and finance minister. The SPD is more flexible than the CDU but, unlike Mr Macron, is not campaigning in favour of common fiscal policies either. Berlin will soon discover that Mr Macron is demanding changes that the German political establishment has explicitly ruled out. At least one side will end up eating its words -- and both will if they settle on a compromise. (Financial Times)
France, however, has been breaching the EU's fiscal rules. It has debts of 100 per cent of gross domestic product, while Germany is on course to reduce its debt-to-GDP ratio to 60 per cent by the end of this decade -- the official, but much ignored, debt ceiling in the eurozone. If Mr Macron has any chance to persuade Berlin of the virtue of a common eurozone budget and a common finance minister, as set out in his manifesto, he will need to demonstrate that he is serious about fulfilling the treaty rules. Fortunately for him, the timing is good. The eurozone economy is in a mild cyclical upswing. There is no better time to consolidate but now. His programme set out a moderately strong fiscal squeeze of 60bn over five years. At an average annual rate of 12bn, this is between 0.5 per cent and 0.6 per cent of last year's economic output.
Germany is happy that Mr Macron won the election but virtually nobody in Berlin is talking about his idea of a common eurozone budget and finance minister. The SPD is more flexible than the CDU but, unlike Mr Macron, is not campaigning in favour of common fiscal policies either. Berlin will soon discover that Mr Macron is demanding changes that the German political establishment has explicitly ruled out. At least one side will end up eating its words -- and both will if they settle on a compromise. (Financial Times)
It is a common notion, but wrong, that France is an ailing economy.
At least one side will end up eating its words -- and both will if they settle on a compromise.
Au contraire, most people who bother reading election manifestos will expect something of a compromise: the question is, how much influence can Macron ultimately wield with Germany and the Eurozone as a whole?
He can always makes his commitment to fiscal consolidation dependent on progress on a Eurozone budget/finance Minister. The chair of the Eurogroup could fulfil that role, and, to appease German concerns, the budget doesn't have to huge to begin with.
Spending it to help lift Greece out of a debt death spiral,to assist refugee accommodation throughout Europe, and to counter act the worst effects of Brexit would be politically popular.
It could be funded out of a Euro-wide "solidarity tax", the proceeds from UK exit or market access payments, or external tariffs in the absence of the latter. A Tobin tax on Euro currency transactions would be another option.
Macron would have to build a Eurozone consensus to overcome German and fiscal conservative opposition. That would be the real test of his leadership skills. Hollande, to my knowledge, never worked particularly hard to build a Euro wide consensus on anything. Index of Frank's Diaries
Isn't Schauble's future financial minister's role uncertain?
And if he's retiring, could he take Padoan with him, please? 'The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.' Thomas Piketty
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