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Russia's Strategic Partnership with Europe | ISS Quarterly 2004 by Dow Lynch | Shortly before the twelfth Russian-European Union in early November 2003, in an interview in the Italian press, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated, `For us Europe is a major trade and economic partner, and our natural most important partner, including in the political sphere. Russia is not located on the American continent, after all, but in Europe." Russia, he continued, "Is interested in developing relations with our partners in the U.S. and the American continent as a whole and in Asia, but, of course, above all with Europe." Putin has de opted significant time and energy to developing relations with the EU since his appointment as Prime Minister in 1999 and was involved in writing and presenting Russia's official strategy to the EU in October of the same year. Sunce 2000, driven by the new president, the Russian government has sought to add substance to the strategic partnership that was declared between. Is ow and Brussels. "Putin aspires to help globalization and not have Russia shaped by it."
Shortly before the twelfth Russian-European Union in early November 2003, in an interview in the Italian press, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated, `For us Europe is a major trade and economic partner, and our natural most important partner, including in the political sphere. Russia is not located on the American continent, after all, but in Europe." Russia, he continued, "Is interested in developing relations with our partners in the U.S. and the American continent as a whole and in Asia, but, of course, above all with Europe."
Putin has de opted significant time and energy to developing relations with the EU since his appointment as Prime Minister in 1999 and was involved in writing and presenting Russia's official strategy to the EU in October of the same year. Sunce 2000, driven by the new president, the Russian government has sought to add substance to the strategic partnership that was declared between. Is ow and Brussels.
Russia's Strategic Partnership with Europe Even after launching ESDP --European Spatial Development Perspective-- in 1999, the EU lacked strategic vision in assessing the potential of Russia as a major military power (Forsberg 2004); despite emphasis by the first Putin administration on Russia's aligning itself with the Euro-Atlantic community (Lynch 2003;10-12; Averre 2005), there were few signs of political will to construct a genuine strategic framework for the relationship. Despite an extensive array of institutional arrangements, the deficit of common understandings based on shared interests and the complexity of both sides' decision-making processes in the EU's case, various loci of decision-making, also involving new member states from central Europe and the Baltics which have complicated historical relations with Russia, and in the Russian case the influence on the executive of numerous bureaucratic agencies and interest groupsnarrowed the possibilities to build trust.
Even after launching ESDP --European Spatial Development Perspective-- in 1999, the EU lacked strategic vision in assessing the potential of Russia as a major military power (Forsberg 2004); despite emphasis by the first Putin administration on Russia's aligning itself with the Euro-Atlantic community (Lynch 2003;10-12; Averre 2005), there were few signs of political will to construct a genuine strategic framework for the relationship. Despite an extensive array of institutional arrangements, the deficit of common understandings based on shared interests and the complexity of both sides' decision-making processes in the EU's case, various loci of decision-making, also involving new member states from central Europe and the Baltics which have complicated historical relations with Russia, and in the Russian case the influence on the executive of numerous bureaucratic agencies and interest groupsnarrowed the possibilities to build trust.
Russia's Sovereign Globalization Rise, Fall and Future | Chatham House - Jan 2016 | Russia's relationship with the global economy has developed quite differently: it has been an arc. In 2000 the Putin presidency began by committing Russia to deeper engagement with the global economy and its governance, a goal actively supported by the West. By 2007, the mid-point of this period, every strand of Russia's relationship with the international economic system had thickened and strengthened significantly: Russia had just chaired the G8 for the first time and was soon to call for `modernizing alliances' with the West. But today Russia's president speaks of minimizing dependence on the West while, for the first time since the end of the Cold War, the West now seeks to restrict, rather than promote, Russia's integration into the global economy. On no other issue have the outcomes departed so comprehensively from the original intentions of Russia and the West alike. What explains this remarkable reversal? The answer lies in the working out of a central tension between two fundamental but opposing impulses in the Putin project: to re-establish a strong, centralized and controlling state and to build a prosperous country through integration into the global economy. The first has entailed strong centralized state control over citizens and institutions (in Russian parlance, the vertikal of power), while the second has entailed autonomous, horizontal flows of goods and money across borders, linking Russia to actors and jurisdictions beyond its formal reach.
Russia's relationship with the global economy has developed quite differently: it has been an arc. In 2000 the Putin presidency began by committing Russia to deeper engagement with the global economy and its governance, a goal actively supported by the West. By 2007, the mid-point of this period, every strand of Russia's relationship with the international economic system had thickened and strengthened significantly: Russia had just chaired the G8 for the first time and was soon to call for `modernizing alliances' with the West. But today Russia's president speaks of minimizing dependence on the West while, for the first time since the end of the Cold War, the West now seeks to restrict, rather than promote, Russia's integration into the global economy. On no other issue have the outcomes departed so comprehensively from the original intentions of Russia and the West alike.
What explains this remarkable reversal? The answer lies in the working out of a central tension between two fundamental but opposing impulses in the Putin project: to re-establish a strong, centralized and controlling state and to build a prosperous country through integration into the global economy. The first has entailed strong centralized state control over citizens and institutions (in Russian parlance, the vertikal of power), while the second has entailed autonomous, horizontal flows of goods and money across borders, linking Russia to actors and jurisdictions beyond its formal reach.
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