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Philip Hammond: Iraq, 2003  Framing post-Cold War Conflicts

INTRODUCTION

The 1990s and early 2000s were characterised by a high level of activism on the part of the major Western powers. More than half of peacekeeping operations mounted by the United Nations (UN) since 1948 were set up in the decade after 1989, for example; at its peak in 1994, the number of troops deployed on such missions reached 72,000 (IISS 1999: 291). The Cold War NATO military alliance first saw action only after the fall of communism, bombing the Bosnian Serbs in 1994 and 1995 and again bombing Yugoslavia in 1999. Britain and France undertook unilateral military missions in former African colonies, and for the first time since 1945 Germany and Japan sent troops overseas on active duty.

The rationale and justification for this activism, however, were necessarily different from the past. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. Throughout, the key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. For journalists, charged with writing the first draft of history without benefit of hindsight, the work of interpretation and analysis must be direct and instantaneous. Yet reporters do not work in a vacuum: their writing will be influenced by the stock of ideas circulating in the culture in which they are working, particularly those which are taken up and promulgated by powerful sources. Below we first outline a number of key debates which have been influential in shaping how the post-Cold War world has been understood, before going on to examine the role played by the news media.

Explaining post-Cold War conflicts and interventions

Although the threat of nuclear war has receded, the post-Cold War world hasnot been peaceful. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), there were 57 different major armed conflicts in 45 different locations around the globe between 1990 and 2001. In any one year, there were on average around 27 ongoing major armed conflicts (SIPRI 2000: 17; SIPRI2001: 66). Both the dynamics of these conflicts and the Western response to them seemed to call for new explanations, but such explanations have been controversial, not least because how conflicts are understood would seem to have a bearing on how governments might react to them. As we shall see, much discussion of media coverage of recent crises has centred on whether the `wrong' interpretation has sometimes inhibited an effective response

Culture and anarchy

One of the most common ideas about post-Cold War conflicts is that the collapse of communism unleashed pent-up tensions. As the 1992 SIPRI Yearbook put it:

    The end of the Cold War ... removed various restraints exercised over parties to ethnic conflicts during the Cold War....The conflict in Yugoslavia followed the end of the Communist regimes in Eastern and Central Europe. It brought to light old and unresolved animosities between, in particular, Serbs and Croats. The Communist regime had kept these animosities under control through repression.(SIPRI 1992: 420)

In this scenario, `old animosities' based on ethnic or national identity had been simmering away under the surface only to burst forth once the restraint of communist repression was removed.

Phil Hammond, Emeritus Professor of Media & Communications at London South Bank University

'Sapere aude'

by Oui (Oui) on Wed Sep 21st, 2022 at 09:59:22 AM EST
Book review: Philip Hammond Media, War and Postmodernity | London - 2007 |

Media, War and Postmodernity is an ambitious work in which Philip Hammond explores the link between rising numbers of military engagements overseas and the demise of social cohesion or clarity of purpose at home. In essence, the thesis is that the latter drive the former, but as a consequence fighting war - including the so-called global war on terror - has been turned into a shallow media spectacle, unable to address either the causes of conflict or to provide any redeeming sense of moral mission and direction.

Where Hammond's argument is at its most persuasive is when he is dealing with specific events, particularly his examination of the responses to 9/11. Here he shows how those who presumed those attacks might somehow restore belief in politics were both deluded and ultimately to be disappointed.

In fact, a sense of real life imitating art prevailed as the surreal, déja vu sensation of passively watching the Twin Towers collapsing on television was the dominant experience of the times. It is this feeling of inauthenticity - a disembodied attitude of incredulity towards events - that he defines as post-modern. For Hammond, as for many of the authors he cites, the cause of this was the gradual disengagement of ordinary people from the world of politics through a process of defeat and diminishment on the one hand and, more problematically for now, self-denial as to their role in and potential for shaping the world. Less encumbered by class conflict than at any time since it first emerged, the elite today are nevertheless unable to articulate a project for society. But power without purpose is meaningless and random, so politics has dissolved into an uninspiring management process, driven by image or emotion.

Exactly!! Yesterday's discussion with Professor in journalism Jeroen Smit, University of Amsterdam, made the same argument. A lack of vision or target on the horizon so more people understand where all the decisions, or lack thereof, leads to an ultimate goal in five, ten or fifteen years. Politicians have been immersed in too many crisis and have failed in solutions. Their answer lies in hiring more PR advisors to sell stupid plans to the public. Media have failed in their task to ask the tough questions, as they prefer to stay friendly with key politicians, afraid to be cut from future interviews or call in the Q&A press briefing.

Now that cabinet Rutte IV has tanked in the latest polls and protests are everywhere through the Netherlands, finally reporters and journalists are doing a 180 degrees and ride the wave of unrest. Stupidity all around, the younger generation lacking personal historical experience.

'Sapere aude'

by Oui (Oui) on Wed Sep 21st, 2022 at 10:00:24 AM EST
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