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To meet the imaginary Russian threat to Western Europe, Germany will lead an expanded, militarized EU | By Diane Johnstone | Since the start of the Russian operation in Ukraine, German politician Ursula von der Leyen has used her position as head of the EU Commission to impose ever more drastic sanctions on Russia, leading to the threat of a serious European energy crisis this winter. Her hostility to Russia seems boundless. In Kiev last April she called for rapid EU membership for Ukraine, notoriously the most corrupt country in Europe and far from meeting EU standards. She proclaimed that "Russia will descend into economic, financial and technological decay, while Ukraine is marching towards a European future." For von der Leyen, Ukraine is "fighting our war." All of this goes far beyond her authority to speak for the EU's 27 Members, but nobody stops her. Germany's Green Party foreign minister Annalena Baerbock is every bit as intent on "ruining Russia." Proponent of a "feminist foreign policy", Baerbock expresses policy in personal terms. "If I give the promise to people in Ukraine, we stand with you as long as you need us," she told the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy (NED)-sponsored Forum 2000 in Prague on Aug. 31, speaking in English. "Then I want to deliver no matter what my German voters think, but I want to deliver to the people of Ukraine." "People will go on the street and say, we cannot pay our energy prices, and I will say, `Yes I know so we will help you with social measures. [...] We will stand with Ukraine and this means the sanctions will stay also til winter time even if it gets really tough for politicians.'" Certainly, support for Ukraine is strong in Germany, but perhaps because of the looming energy shortage, a recent Forsa poll indicates that some 77 percent of Germans would favor diplomatic efforts to end the war - which should be the business of the foreign minister. But Baerbock shows no interest in diplomacy, only in "strategic failure" for Russia - however long it takes.
Since the start of the Russian operation in Ukraine, German politician Ursula von der Leyen has used her position as head of the EU Commission to impose ever more drastic sanctions on Russia, leading to the threat of a serious European energy crisis this winter. Her hostility to Russia seems boundless. In Kiev last April she called for rapid EU membership for Ukraine, notoriously the most corrupt country in Europe and far from meeting EU standards. She proclaimed that "Russia will descend into economic, financial and technological decay, while Ukraine is marching towards a European future." For von der Leyen, Ukraine is "fighting our war." All of this goes far beyond her authority to speak for the EU's 27 Members, but nobody stops her.
Germany's Green Party foreign minister Annalena Baerbock is every bit as intent on "ruining Russia." Proponent of a "feminist foreign policy", Baerbock expresses policy in personal terms. "If I give the promise to people in Ukraine, we stand with you as long as you need us," she told the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy (NED)-sponsored Forum 2000 in Prague on Aug. 31, speaking in English.
"People will go on the street and say, we cannot pay our energy prices, and I will say, `Yes I know so we will help you with social measures. [...] We will stand with Ukraine and this means the sanctions will stay also til winter time even if it gets really tough for politicians.'"
Certainly, support for Ukraine is strong in Germany, but perhaps because of the looming energy shortage, a recent Forsa poll indicates that some 77 percent of Germans would favor diplomatic efforts to end the war - which should be the business of the foreign minister. But Baerbock shows no interest in diplomacy, only in "strategic failure" for Russia - however long it takes.
More reading ...
There is reason to surmise that current German Russophobia draws much of its legitimization from the Russophobia of former Nazi allies in smaller European countries. While German anti-Russian revanchism may have taken a couple of generations to assert itself, there were a number of smaller, more obscure revanchisms that flourished at the end of the European war that were incorporated into United States Cold War operations. Those little revanchisms were not subjected to the denazification gestures or Holocaust guilt imposed on Germany. Rather, they were welcomed by the C.I.A., Radio Free Europe and Congressional committees for their fervent anticommunism. They were strengthened politically in the United States by anticommunist diasporas from Eastern Europe.
While German anti-Russian revanchism may have taken a couple of generations to assert itself, there were a number of smaller, more obscure revanchisms that flourished at the end of the European war that were incorporated into United States Cold War operations.
Those little revanchisms were not subjected to the denazification gestures or Holocaust guilt imposed on Germany. Rather, they were welcomed by the C.I.A., Radio Free Europe and Congressional committees for their fervent anticommunism. They were strengthened politically in the United States by anticommunist diasporas from Eastern Europe.
Excellent read ...
A defense of honest inquiry, and of Gene Sharp | by geezer in Paris on Feb 22nd, 2011 | 'Sapere aude'
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