by Saturday
Sat Sep 10th, 2005 at 06:06:13 AM EST
Excellent commentary and discussions, from the diaries ~ whataboutbob
So, now we are in the single digits. And finally - I already ceased believing it could happen - this election becomes a real thrill. Questions are now popping up about the readyness of "designated" conservative ministers to participate in a grand coalition. Because that is where the signs are pointing to. While I'm still not convinced whether such a CDU/CSU-SPD-coalition would be a good idea, many of my fellow citizens think that way. (Moreover, I would lose a bottle of Champagne because I betted against a grand coalition about two months ago)
- "The Professor from Heidelberg": How a possibly good idea turned into Angela Merkel's nightmare
- Schröder's legacy for the German left
- The polls
"The Professor from Heidelberg": How a possibly good idea turned into Angela Merkel's nightmare
Three weeks ago, conservative leader Angela Merkel was under high pressure to appoint someone for finance ministry, or at least to appoint a finance policy expert. As she pulled Paul Kirchhof out of a hat, everyone was amazed: A cutting-edge neo-liberal tax reformer with the necessary conservative "family values"-bent. Commentators admired Merkel's immense tactical skills. And I, too, thought that this would work: Game over, Gerhard. I was wrong. Look at the polls at the bottom of this diary: From that point on, support for CDU first stagnated, then fell. How come?
I still contend that the idea was a good one (tactically). But the problem was lacking adjustments with her own party and its Bavarian partner CSU. Kirchhof galopped away with his flat tax plans, meeting applause from the Free Democrats but becoming criticised by leading members of the party who appointed him. Merkel was not able to stop the tax discussions inside the party and took refuge to the wording that Kirchhof was "a visionary". - Read: "Don't take him too seriously." Own goal. In the following days, you could often hear former chancellor Helmut Schmidt's (SPD) old phrase: "If you have visions, go to the doctor."
After weeks of Social Democrats being clueless about how to attack, Kirchhof's appointment opened a flank. In an effort to stigmatize Kirchhof, Schröder refused calling him by his name, and only called him "That professor from Heidelberg" - and was able to frame public perception of Kirchhof towards the image of a strange scientist in an ivory tower. He accused Kirchhof of trying to turn the Germans into his own guinea pigs for economic experiments, sounding a bit like old Konrad Adenauer (CDU), first German chancellor in the 50s. Adenauer won his election in 1953 with the slogan "No experiments!" - by a landslide. Schröder was nearly able to distinguish himself as a compassionate social politician - a label that has never been attached to him. As a result, unions returned to a certain degree to the SPD.
Schröder's legacy for the German left
There are two probable outcomes: A conservative-(market-)liberal coalition or a grand coalition. Here at Eurokos, talk was about a possible red-red-green formation, a coalition of the left. As much as I personally would appreciate it, I have to say: It is about as probable as Bush combing Castro's beard. The Left Party performed a completely opposition-styled campaign, agitating more against Schröder than against the conservatives or the Free Democrats. And when Schröder and SPD chairman Müntefering spoke, agitation against the CDU was not remotely as sharp as against the Left Party (this political configuration has a long and painful history in Germany).
Traditionally, the mandate for forming a government coalition first goes to the biggest party in parliament - and that will be CDU/CSU. You can watch me eating my pants if I am wrong. If they do not have the necessary majority to govern with the FDP, they will offer a grand coalition (without Kirchhof!), and SPD will accept. Without Schröder, of course. It is not a big challenge one's imagination to assume that the perspective of being Merkel's deputy does not suit him. But what Germen left will he leave behind?
His most important legacy is the alienation of the Social Democratic left wing, resulting in the division in the SPD, and the division between SPD and organised labour. Well, Michael Sommer, leader of the association of unions (DGB), showed up with Schröder to a public meeting, openly appreciating the SPD's new course during the campaign. But his statement was a far cry from the endorsements of the past. Consequently, Schröder had to do the "endorsement" himself: "I have no doubt that the SPD is favoured by the unions."
Do not mistake me: I don't regret this development. The left within the SPD was marginalised in such a manner that the split finally became inevitable. A strong Left Party prevents the SPD to proceed a more and more market-liberal shaped economic policy, as we have seen in this campaign. And with its tendency towards pacifism, it will also help securing a German foreign policy with an antimilitaristic, diplomatic approach.
The polls
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen
. 9/09 9/02 8/26 8/19 8/12
SPD 34.0 32.0 30.0 29.0 29.0
CDU 41.0 43.0 43.0 43.0 42.0
GRE 7.0 7.0 8.0 9.0 9.0
FDP 7.0 7.0 8.0 8.0 8.0
LEP 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 9.0
Forsa
. 9/07 9/03 8/29 8/22 8/13
SPD 34.0 31.0 30.0 29.0 29.0
CDU 42.0 43.0 43.0 43.0 43.0
GRE 7.0 7.0 7.0 7.0 7.0
FDP 6.0 7.0 8.0 8.0 7.0
LEP 8.0 9.0 8.0 9.0 10.0
Infratest-Dimap
. 9/08 9/01 8/25 8/17 8/11
SPD 34.0 32.0 31.0 30.0 29.0
CDU 41.0 43.0 42.0 42.0 42.0
GRE 7.0 7.0 8.0 8.0 9.0
FDP 6.5 6.0 7.0 7.0 6.0
LEP 8.5 9.0 9.0 9.0 10.0
Allensbach
. 9/02 8/26 8/23 8/16
SPD 29.6 28.1 27.9 27.9
CDU 41.7 43.5 41.8 41.9
GRE 7.7 8.1 8.1 8.0
FDP 7.8 8.0 8.7 8.4
LEP 10.1 9.7 10.3 10.5