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Russia's patrimonial tradition

by das monde Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 04:43:29 AM EST

This is an accidental continuation of the discussion in poemless' diary Who Needs a Strong Leader. The people interested in Russia's history, should notice the following new book, Conservativism in Russia. The author is Richard Pipes, a Polish-Jewish expert in Russian history, and a former Security adviser of Reagan. I noticed the book about a week ago in a book store, and today I found a review of it. I will take the freedom to copy some excerpts from that review:

[In Pipes' view], Russia differed from all other European countries because, even after the monumental attempt of Peter the Great to transform it in conformity with the Western model, its rulers clung stubbornly and immutably to their own autocratic privileges instead of evolving along representative and democratic lines. In an influential book, Russia Under the Old Regime, which appeared in 1974, Pipes expounded a wide-ranging theory that endeavored to explain this anomaly.

From the diaries - whataboutbob


Briefly stated, it was a view of Russian society as being "patrimonial," a term initially used by Hobbes and then taken over and amplified by Weber. What it means is that when "the prince organizes his political power ... in the same essential manner as he does his authority over his household, there we speak of a patrimonial state structure." The czar thus "owned" everything within the state, which was simply considered his own property. No one individual or group had any right to counteract his power, nor was any distinction made between society and the state. Such a regime is different from despotism because "a despot violates his subjects' property rights; a patrimonial ruler does not even acknowledge their existence." In his new book Pipes cites Machiavelli, who in the sixteenth century contrasted the sultan of Turkey with the king of France by pointing out that the former was "a ruler who treated his subjects like slaves"; and Russia was much closer to Turkey in this respect than to any European country. This "patrimonial" mentality continued to dominate Russian politics up through the collapse of the Soviet Union, and seems to have found a new lease on life under Vladimir Putin.

With this tradition, it is not the people who get the state they deserve, but the ruler gets the state he "deserves". Like I guessed, people have to adopt...

Other factors also enter, such as the submissive habits inculcated by the Mongol conquest of Russia for two centuries (and, by contrast, the influence of Roman law on European monarchies). Even feudalism in the West played a part, because it involved a contract between lord and vassal, with mutual obligations on both sides that theoretically placed restraints on the power of the lord -- something totally unknown in Russia. But it was the control of the purse strings that made the most crucial difference. A whole host of authorities, beginning in the thirteenth century, are cited by Pipes to illustrate "the sanctity of private property [as] an axiom of European political thought and practice."
Roman law, primality of private property - it is easy to take these things for granted.

Political controversy in Russia began at about 1500, [but[ it had nothing to do with politics as such, but rather with questions regarding church property and how it should be administered and controlled, as well as with ideas considered heretical. One group known as the Judaizers, some of whom were eventually burned at the stake, "translated into Slavonic the Pentateuch, Maimonides ... as well as Western secular works." The opposing sides represented what would become a standard pattern of Russian culture: the conflict between ingrained native customs and reformist ideas from abroad. "On the one side stood men like Maxim the Greek and Nil Sorsky [who] had come from abroad or who had traveled there and knew foreign languages; on the other Joseph of Volokolmansk and his followers, who neither knew nor wanted to know about foreign ways.... Joseph and his adherents considered Russia "Holy" and God's land ... they were frightened of "corrupting" Russia under foreign influence even of Greek origin."  

[Joseph] raised the czar to hitherto unknown heights, declaring that while the monarch "in his being is like other men, in his authority he resembles God Almighty." To obey the sovereign "is tantamount to obeying God." This deification of the Russian ruler continued in the sixteenth century. Ivan IV, known as the Terrible, was crowned with the title of czar (Caesar) by the metropolitan of the Russian church, a title later endorsed by the patriarch of Constantinople. After the fall of the Byzantine Empire, this led to the influential doctrine of Russia as the Third Rome, the head of the entire Christian community, as summarized by the monk Filofei: "Two Romes have fallen, the third stands, and a fourth will not be." This claim was buttressed with all sorts of pseudo-historical myths linking Russian history "with that of the Biblical Jews and ancient Romans". [Religion] thus was used to reinforce the power of the state and offered no "alternatives to the status quo."

The issue of autocracy was raised for the first time in a purely secular context by Ivan Peresvetov, a Lithuanian who advised the czar to disregard the inherited aristocratic boyar class and follow the example of Mahomet II, the conqueror of the Byzantine Empire. Mahomet collected all taxes himself, placed the nobles on a salary, and promoted by merit instead of rank; he also abolished slavery. The aim of this advice was to make the czar even more powerful and independent, but on the basis of purely historical and non-religious considerations.

I hope you can access the whole review, or read the book. I recommend.

Display:
Unfortunately, the whole review requires registration, so I'm going to comment only on the bits found in this diary, but all in all the peasant angle is important and it would be interesting to take a look at Russia's history from this POV, if indeed, as the title and references to the "serfs" and events from 500 years ago suggest.

The degree of distinctiveness of Russia from the West is due to the Orthodox church and religious wars and conflicts it implied (including Crusades) and the fact that till 40-50ies of the XX century Russia remained a peasant country. So, the cultural background is different and simular stages, like industrialization, were passed at different points of time.

While it's really an interesting topic and explains many disconnects between Russia and Europe at different history points, I'm not sure it's directly relevant to the discussion of the alleged ingrained Russia's predisposition to authorism as opposed to the collective "West". One of the problems is that "West" now is quite different from the "West" from 500 hundred years ago, and I'm afraid, the majority of the "West" countries now will not stand to the high, most ideal standards, being presented to Russia in the MSM. Here I'm not talking about US: US is already there by the MSM definitions. Another issue is the communist rule, which had a major disruptive effect on the collective psyche and social organization in Russia. In short, in order to understand the current state of affairs, you don't need to look beyound the starting points and events in/of 100 years ago. The economic side is even simplier: it started 15 years ago.

Few interesting tidbits about peasants:

Roughly speaking (minus state  and church lands and all the rule changes for those in between), the original arrangement was that there was a warrior, later feudal/aristocracy, class which owned the land and derived profit from it but had a duty to serve the state (1760+ military and state service for them was mandatory) and a peasant class working the land. Always there was a clear set of laws governing relations of czar and nobility and nobility and peasants.

Peasants working the land had to supply a percentage of their crops/profits to the landlord and till about 1500 were free to change a landlord at any time, after that only in two specific weeks a year and by 1600 they were bound to the land completely.

The peasants worked as communities, all the decisions being adopted on the consensus basis and mandatory for all community members. Few of the important aspects include the believe that land belongs to the community and no individual has exclusive right to it (this perception in large part is true to this day) and that community, as a collective, is responsible for working all the land and providing nobility their taxes even if some members of the community leave.

After 1600, when peasants were prohibited from leaving, few of the ways remained to leave the community (that is, if you were willing to let down the community by leaving your work to them): either go to the city and avoid authorities for 5-10 years or go to Southern Russia (Kozaks) or Urals/Siberia (thus Russian expansion to those areas with state following the peasant path).

The power of nobility over the serfs was not absolute. Say, in 1760ies landlord Saltychikha murdered a large number of her peasants and was sentenced to life term in jail and still features as an example of cruelty of the nobility in the school textbooks.

This system proved to be hard to reform, finally, reforms of 1861 (land to landowners, some of the land to the serfs with government credits) left number of peasants w/o land and Stolypin agrarian reforms aimed on transforming communities into more capitalistic enterprises with private land ownership had the same result: large number of poor and landless peasants/proletariat which were instrumental in the revolution of 1917.

by blackhawk on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 07:31:07 AM EST
Interesting article, and super informative comment made by Blackhawk, makes this a more well-rounded perspective on the "Russian psyche", regarding leaders...

Thanks to you both!!

"Once in awhile we get shown the light, in the strangest of places, if we look at it right" - Hunter/Garcia

by whataboutbob on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 08:37:44 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Now might be a good time for me to state my discomfort for relying on Western "experts" to help me understand Russia, esp. those who've been strongly anti-Soviet advisors to American conservatives, and who, in this case as in many, being both Jewish & Polish, may have some personal grievances against Russia...

There is simply no end to the folks out there determined to illustrate that Russians have a penchant for a strong leader/good Tsar/patrimonial system.  That this is the case seems beyond debate. So, again, to what end are they illustrating this?  Each seems to paint a picture of helpless xenophobic peasants/proles and egomaniacal leaders taking advantage of them.  Just seems to be a terribly simplistic view which never steps outside the comfort zone of our own Western perspective & interests.

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 08:52:57 AM EST
Poemless, do you read Russian?
by Sargon on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 09:43:29 AM EST
[ Parent ]
I try, ...with varying degrees of success. :)

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire
by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 11:51:20 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Try this. I can't find it in English, sorry. Yanov tells a story very different from Pipes' one
by Sargon on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 01:52:14 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Thanks.  I don't have time to read it closely right now, but just skimming it, I'd agree in so much as I don't think you can entirely seperate Russia and its political development from Europe, and a lot of propagandists have attempted this.  But I'm also not really into the whole idea of a "nature" or somekind of "genetic" tendency.  I mean, historiographers will debate this East/West craziness until the end of time, but what Russia needs, what works, the basic welfare of the people and effectiveness of the govt. is what's important in the end.

One person's bloody autocrat will always be another's constitutional monarch, I imagine.

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:39:48 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Or constitutional (s)elected president, as the case may be.

I'll take the enlightened despots of the 18th century over BushCo any day. At least they had the best intellectuals of the day as ministers.

A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman

by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:42:15 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I assume that's a joke.
by MarekNYC on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:44:34 PM EST
[ Parent ]
There is some of it.

A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:45:22 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Migeru is a closet Monarchist.

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire
by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:47:38 PM EST
[ Parent ]
It is to our constitutional monarch that we owe not being ruled by bloody autocrats. I think his son is just a spoled brat.

A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
by Migeru (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:49:55 PM EST
[ Parent ]
what Russia needs, what works, the basic welfare of the people and effectiveness of the govt. is what's important in the end.

If you want to "improve" Russia, you have to have patience of a generation at least. History shows that instant progressive reforms in Russia have poor effects. This does not mean (by any any means) that Russia is backward or especially xenophobic. Just think of Russia's literature or classical music - the culture is more open minded than most others. But Russia has unusual social history, and troublesome experiences through ages. In a special way, Russia is a conservative country. And this is not very exceptional - think of special conservativisms of the Arab countries, or Japan.

Even if you solve Russia's problems (whatever they are), it will always be a unique country, and this is great. Only when you will have a generation (or two) which grew up with growing confidence in progressive governing, and gradual rejection of autocratic tendencies, we may talk about Russia in entirely new perspective. But sadly enough, what is happening now is just a new traumatic cycle apparently. Certainly, we can say the same about Iraq and several other places.

The generation cycle is important. There is a theory, for example, that says that the Soviet Union broke up under Gorbachov because he was the first Soviet leader without direct experience of the Bolshevik revolution and of the Great Patriotic War (WW II) - so he took many things for granted...

by das monde on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 10:26:42 PM EST
[ Parent ]
If you want to "improve" Russia...

This is a very annoying pasttime of the West.  Well, I'd like to improve the whole world, and I would like to see more progressive policies coming out of the Putin Administration.  But there is something to be said for letting Russia improve Russia.  And I think precisely because of their unique history and demography, it might not be reasonable to expect that what works for us will work for them.  (Esp. since it isn't always working for us.)

I'm sure you're right about the generational ascpect.

I'd hold off on comparing Russia to Iraq just yet... (!)  

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 11:53:14 AM EST
[ Parent ]
 this is what Altavista's Babelfish site (automated Russian-English translation program) did with the text you linked:

Hold onto your hat! (How do you say that in Russian?)

Accueil > Outils > Babel Fish Traduction > Translated Text    

Traduction Babel Fish    Aide

In English:
Aleksey Davydov DISCOVERY ALEKSANDR JANOV Me had long ago been it been desirable to be introduced to the creation of Aleksandr Janov, well-known analyst of the history of Russia, the former Russian journalist, who left Russia not of their own free will, but now professor n'yu-Yorkskogo university.

I heard about its uncommon, it is possible to say shocking, view on the history of Russia from the associate- specialists; however, everything that he previously wrote, had long ago been it radiated as bibliographical rarity. 4 by volley it read its books - "shadow of Groznyy tsar" (M., Crooke, 1997) and "Russia against Russia" (Novosibirsk, "Siberian chronograph", 1999). Moreover the life was formed in such a way that for me it was necessary to become the publishing reviewer of the prepared manuscript of his last book by the name "at the sources of our tragedy. 1480-1583 ".

On the whole, I dipped into Janov's creation with the head, and it must say that it produced to me strong impression. I do not remember, when for me for the last time it was necessary to test this sensation of freedom - and anxieties. Certainly, Janov made a discovery. But the discovery special kind. It did not simply illuminate the previously unknown pages of the epoch of Ivan III and Ivan OF THE IV, but were placed for doubt the truth of the point of view in Russia ruling in the Russian and western historiography, its culture, specific character of development. After Janov's conclusions both for the specialist and for any who is interested in Russian history does arise a complex question, as to now read studies about Russia and as to relate to the science about Russia, which was established in Russia and in the West in the last 400 years? You will agree that if scientific research makes it necessary to raise the question of this scale, it means much it stands. Well, visualize that someone suddenly to the transparency and the luster washed clean the covered with long-standing soot window, through which you, until now, looked at the past your country - and, that means to its future. It can be, we always assumed that peace after the window not such as it was seen through this turbid glass-, but accurately this they did not know. But indeed and the readers of Homer suspected, that dividing into three it must somewhere exist. But then arrived Schliemann - and dug up it. In a certain sense I would make level the discovery Janov with the results of Schliemann's excavations.

Yes, many of us, probably suspected, that Russia was borne by Europe. After digging out the mountains of myths, Janov this proved. Only in contrast to Schliemann, it still placed before us alarming, and, possibly, and the fateful question: why we so for long, by centuries did believe to myths? However that may be, I can with the clean conscience promise to the reader, that the afterward outgoing into the light trilogy A.L. of Janov, it will think about the history of its country entirely not in the manner that he thought thus far. Myth the first: Russia - not Europe In reality the historical revolution of Janov in the science is added, of course, of tens of discoveries and hundreds of devastated myths. Their one enumeration ischerpalo all limits of my essay. In order not to be lost among them, I will isolate only two.

The first of these myths is so old, that to anyone already it seems it did not occur it to verify. The discussion deals with conventional from the times Karamzina to the point of view, that from the very it began Moscow Russia, in contrast to the European states, it was autocratic. So think equally both evropeisty- occidentophiles (with the sigh) and slavophiles -pocvenniki (with the satisfaction), and marxists and their opponents, including such coryphaei of western historiography as Arnold Toynbee, to say nothing of popularizers as Richard payps. Janov verified this point of view - it is in detail, methodically, relying on the enormous number of facts of the epoch of the founder of the centralized Moscow state of Ivan THE III great (1462-1505). It verified - and - it turned out that we all believed in the myth. It turned out that in spite of this myth, left Russia from under the age-long yoke by usual northern-European state with the limited monarchy, differed little from let us assume Denmark either Sweden and where it is more politically progressive, than Lithuania or Prussia. Church reformation, the main event of the late European middle ages, Russia Ivan THE III beginning Europe's first: in the society the wide criticism of the unlimited power of church unrolled, arose the motion of nestyazhatel'skoy intelligentsia, the withdrawal of the cloister earth in favor of state began. And ran at that time people not of it to the West, but from the West - into it. And it began motion to the constitutional monarchy also first. Not by chance, of course, Ivan III - dear hero 4nova. The liberal reforms of the first Russian tsar formed in Russia the economic and juridical prerequisites of completely European market, his support to peasant predburzhuazii (through the adoption of two codes of law, the limitation of corvee, the introduction of the income tax and Yur'eva of day, the transfer of peasant duties to the money, etc.), the creation of social institutes, which bore the essential liberal element (zemstvo cathedral, the law court of jurors, the replacement of deputies -"kormlenпkov" by local krestyanskim self-guidance) actually embedded the bases of the europeanization of the country. And the main thing, autocrat it was not a bit not to the larger degree than his contemporaries Heinrich OF THE VII in England or zyat' his Grand Duke Casimir in Lithuania. It is shorter, there was any autocracy whatever in Russia for a period of entire its bright, speaking in Janov's words, European century between 1480 and 1560, from which began our state history, not. Janov contradicts against the autocratic, Eurasian tradition of Russia its own European tradition, "not a bit not less ancient and legitimate" (s. 371 of manuscript). In the Russian and western science the idea ruled, until now, that the European history of Russia began from Peter. Janov proved that it began in reality, so to speak, from the beginning, i.e.. from the very origin of Russian statehood, that it preceded autocracy. And, therefore, thrust to the European culture in Russia not was random. European gene "sat" in it originally. Janov came to the conclusion that "in first half THE XVI century, when the bases of the political history of all young European states were laid, Moscow was one of them" (s. 206). "precisely these decades were that nest, from where all European eagles departed. And all European hawks. Specifically, then left to the space of world policy young Moscow power. Swiftly prospering and being freed from the heritage of yoke, it entered the European family, pretending in it to the first roles "(s. 206). Janov reveals completely, until now, the not investigated phenomenon of "Moscow Athens" of 1490- e it is annual. He writes about the "slip of Russia in THE XVI century to the constitutional monarchy" (s. 406). I, relying on facts, it comes to the conclusion, which distinguishes its work from studies of this period of all other authors: "there is no Russia separately from Europe. It inside Russia "(s. 209).

Myth of the second: the weakness of the Russian Europeanism Neither weakness there was Russian Europeanism nor myth about his weakness not, as far as grandfather Ivan groznyy did not destroy in the course of the bloody and predatory autocratic revolution of the act of his great. Idea itself about the autocratic revolution (its kind the medieval equivalent of Bolshevik revolution), which invariably accompanied liberal reforms for the course of entire Russian history between 1565 and 1929, is for the first time introduced into the scientific revolution To the yanovym (in its early works it was called this phenomenon kontrreformoy). However to name it, however, this phenomenon completely refutes myth about the weakness of European tradition in Russia. Think, does call the readers the author, how by others could be caused all these draconic terrorist revolutions, in THE XVI century or in KHKH, if not by the force of the Russian liberalism, it is irrepressible which was being approached to return the country home - European sources? Than, if we extreme - from the point of view of imperial nationalism - by the need stop the liberal march, which promised to become irreversible? Why otherwise it would be required to cut out practically wholly the elite of the country? Why were the hecatombs of corpses and Civil Wars, destruction of intelligentsia, if not in order by any price hold the country in the desert of autocratic military empire, again and again fencing off by its Chinese wall from Europe? Fateful role of the historiography The value of the discovery Janov, however, not so much, possibly, in the creation of the new vision of the piece of the history of Russia, as in the new view on the science about Russia. Janov does not leave stone in Russia stone- from the prevailing views on the history. Examining slavophile, Eurasian (Aksakov, Trubetskoy, Savitskiy and other.) and westernizing (Kavelin, Solovyev, Chicherin and other.) views on the culture of Russia, it comes to the conclusion that also those, etc. proceed (to the different degree, also, in different ways) from the equally incorrect message - from the presence in it of one Eurasian civilizational specific character alone. Slavophiles indicate the need for developing Eurasian beginning, and occidentophiles - to inoculate western liberalism. And both tendencies, one, looking into Europe, another, turning away from Europe, but, desiring an improvement in the position in Russia, do not see European gene in most Russian culture.

Analyzing the work of the Soviet researchers of Russian statehood Of avrekha, Chistozvonova, Shapiro, Pokrovskiy, Troitsky, Saxarov, Bakhrushina, Vippera, Zimin, Skrynnikova, Makovskogo, Nosov and many others, Janov come to the conclusion about "Eurasian- Marxist nonsense", which rules in them this politically ordered nonsense justify autocracy (unlimitedness of authority) as historical need and the specific character of Russia. The author analyzes the thoughts about Russia of the foreign researchers of the different epochs: THE XIX century - Hegel, Marx, Engels, and THE XX century - Toynbee, Vittfogelya, Paypsa, Vallerstayna, etc. comes to the conclusion that they rest not so much on an objective study of historical reality, as to the long ago prevailing in the West stereotypes and the myths in the estimations of Russia. Rejecting entire alluvial in the science and creating its own view on the history of Russia, Janov attempts to revive the tradition of great Russian thinkers and oppositionists of the XV -xvii substances of Vassian patrikeyev, Andrey kurbskiy, Yuri krizhanich. The value of the istoriograficheskoy revolution of historian is difficult to overestimate - it for the first time arms the liberal motion of Russia by the knowledge of the fact that it has soil origin.

It is possible to say that because of Janov, liberal intelligentsia in Russia for the first time begins to understand, from where and why it, realizing itself as Russian phenomenon, ceases to consider its Europeanism something foreign so as not to say anti-patriotic. What from this does follow? There is no doubt, that the atrocity of Groznyy, first autocratic revolutionary (as, however, and the latter - Stalin) they root in the same cultural genetics, it would say 4, Russian statehood, that also the liberal Europeanism of Ivan III. And Janov dwells on this fateful duality of the historical roots of Russian political culture.

To us, however, is more important now another. After proving the European origin of Russia, oprovergnuv myth about the weakness of its European tradition, historian actually completed the discovery, which has not only theoretical, but also completely urgent value for us today. It is not enough that it for the first time answered whole series of the historical questions, which no one to it hit upon to assign. It explained to us, for example, from where the Europeanism of Peter undertook. Or from where never disappeared in Russia phenomenon of Russian Europeans - from Vassian patrikeyeva either Maxim grek in THE XVI century to Pushkin, Turgenev, Chekhov or Vladimir Solovyev in THE XIX. Or the origin of Russian dissidenstva - from Andrey kurbskiy to Andrey Saxarov. The alarming questions, which places before us Janov's created trilogy, still more urgent; however. And first of all the main thing of them - about the surprising ineffectiveness of Russian Europeanism. Yes, it is deeply, ineradicably placed in most political genetics of the country. Yes, it is more ancient, it is more original than the Eurasian autocracy. And, if it went to that, real "pochvennikami" are in Russia exactly evropeisty- liberals, and completely not slavophiles -derjavniki. But why in that case did prove to be these yevropeisty they were incapable for the elongation so many generations to overcome the autocratic servitude, which was tightened in Russia to the century of longer than the Mongolian? And as is connected the duration of this second yoke, if you do want, with the supremacy of those most dangerous myths, which does refute Janov? And how to overcome to us these myths today in order not to please inadvertently under even any, third yoke? I think that after the work of Janov precisely these questions must prove to be in the center of the attention of our historical science and politologii.

I think that for setting of precisely these questions bustles about Janov as scientist and as citizen. Its book this is academic science, this is that type of the analysis of the fate of Russia, which each member of our society produces for itself each day and which is for it one of the vital orientators in its daily activity. And for Janov itself first of all. Since I proved to be that implicated in the activity, connected with the publication of Aleksandr Lvovich's books, was established with it business correspondence, in which we discuss scientific questions. In one of the letters I expressed the opinion that the duration of autocratic yoke in Russia became the result of the tendency of Russian society toward the absolutization of values as to the search for the form of statics. Thus, our science in 1990- e years, having foregone the absolutization of derzhavnosti, attempted to pass to the absolutization of liberalism, from one form of statics our society moved was to another. In this connection Janov in the letter from New York this spring, giving estimation to the prospects of Russia, wrote: "there were in the world examples of the refusal of nation of derzhavnosti? They were. Best of them England, in the imperial possessions of which yet not so long ago ever not the setting sun. There were and examples of debunking mythology - France and especially Japan and Germany. But the first - native land of rationalism, and the latter traversed such "national self-destruction", which 4 no one I will wish (America, on the contrary, the case, when mythology it before our eyes begins, similarly, to overcome rationality).

Had i school, students, students, I would orient them toward the study of foreign experience from this point of view. In any case no one in the world still of similar made nothing. In your Moscow it is more in this sense of possibilities. But to learn to learn on the strange experience - only one aspect of the matter. Another - in learn on its own. In that, in order to the generation, which now on the student bench, proved to be capably of extracting fateful lessons from the experience of Russia. To understand that its European substance is infinitely weaker than the Eurasian. And on that overcoming this original duality requires the extraodinary effort - not only intellectual, but also popular, propagandistic. Chapters from "Istokov"... toward this are directed. In them, as I see, the whole agenda (program - A.D.) the study of Russian history anew. 4 I do not speak already, that in our matter there is still and the third side - political. It not only that for the change to one "statics" it would not arrive, as you correctly speak, another. But also that the country inadvertently would not roll up into the sequential political blind alley, fraught with new "collective suicide" ". In whom which bolit... Honestly speaking, sitting down for this work, altogether 4 only it intended to write usual review in "Russia against Russia", which, as the remaining parts of the trilogy, useyana by the devastated myths and are in addition nearer to our time (it treats the origin of autocratic revolution of 1917), for the such reason it is even more urgent, than the problem of the European origin of the country. But it came out in me, as you see, precisely, about this. It can be because 4 nevertheless historians of Russian culture. In whom which bolit, as the saying goes... It is shorter, thus it was written.

But I will finish as beginnings - by considerations, to which directed me (and I it were confident, it will direct still many) Janov's trilogy. Historical science is received from the side as the factual report of the life of humanity. But indeed the same facts can interpret differently. And therefore the histories of humanity there can be much. There is, however, only - let us name it after the absence of the best term "authentic history" - as basis of which lay the facts, tested by centuries-old oblivion and distortions, long and frequently triumphal life in the false interpretations, and then difficult return to their authenticity. To return to humanity although its microscopic piece "authentic history" - this fate as rewards awaits each scientist. Is only opened this piece by few - only that, who is capable to the human and scientific exploit. Fortunately, is always located the brave man, who dared to arise above the general acceptability, after stating, for example, that, you will excuse, gentlemen, but the earth completely not flat. Or that it nevertheless is twirled in spite of the obviousness. Or that the genes, in which are programmed the hereditary diseases of man (or nation), exist completely actually. That that the scientist placed to the legs of contemporaries his life, little whom he disturbs. It agitates, as a rule, another: how it - impostor - did dare to dispute indisputable? People, governments, holy inquisition, priests of archaic myths it is from time immemorial age-long they occurred before the selection: to change its own view on the peace or to plug mouth to heretic. And, of course, they, in addition, as a rule, preferred the second - they burnt it on the bonfire, they forced publicly otrech'sya, they sent to lesopoval or they evicted from the country. But to eliminate its discovery from the memory of people they no longer could. Thus, scientific work became civil act, building block into the foundation of "authentic history". And so, unfortunately, occurred in many instances discovery by humanity of authentic scientist - Giordano Bruno, Galileo, vavilova. Thus occurred - for me - the discovery Aleksandr Janov.

 

"In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge

by proximity1 on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 12:15:12 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Me had long ago been it been desirable to be introduced to the creation of Aleksandr Janov, well-known analyst of the history of Russia, the former Russian journalist, who left Russia not of their own free will, but now professor n'yu-Yorkskogo university.

Altavista Babelfish always makes me feel better about my own translating abilities...  :)

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 12:37:29 PM EST
[ Parent ]
 I thought it was poetic.  And, anyway, that's exactly how I usually have heard Russian-native-speakers speak English.

 Well, all right-- actually, I refer mainly to famous  Russian spy agents, "Boris Badanov" and "Natasha", as seen on American Capitalist program of Moose and Squirrel.  


"In such an environment it is not surprising that the ills of technology should seem curable only through the application of more technology..." John W Aldridge

by proximity1 on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 01:51:47 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Boris and Natasha...  

I don't know if it is insanely depressing or insanely cool that these are the first (people) that come to mind when Americans imagine Russians...

I'm a big fan, actually.

BTW, Russian is a poetic language by its very nature.  Not sure you can think in it and not sound poetic.  


Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 01:58:59 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Once we started with Boris and Natasha, here is another excerpt from the same review [of Joseph Frank]:

All sorts of reforms were discussed by [Alexander I] and a group of intimates who had lived abroad, and a document guaranteeing freedom of speech and religion was drawn up, supposedly to be announced at Alexander's coronation. "But for some reason this was not done, and it remained a dead letter." One of Pipes's heroes, Michael Speransky, helped to write this document, and his name may be more familiar to non-specialists in Russian history than most of the others: readers of War and Peace, which Pipes regrettably does not mention, will recall that Prince Andrey Bolkonsky at one point serves in Speransky's cabinet. At first, much impressed with Speransky's ideas about reform, he undertakes the task assigned him of revising the Civil Code; "and with the aid of the Code Napoleon and the Institutes of Justinian he worked at formulating the section on Personal Rights." A bit later in the novel, he thinks of a recent trip home to his estate and of his impressions of and experiences with the peasants: "Mentally applying to them the Personal Rights he had divided into paragraphs, he felt astonished that he could have spent so much time on such useless work."  

Tolstoy's image of Speransky is quite deprecatory, but Pipes believes that the merits of this statesman have been neglected in accounts of Russian thought because officials of the czarist establishment are not usually considered part of the country's intellectual life. Also, the full extent of his "reform projects" was entirely unknown until the twentieth century.

by das monde on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 08:07:12 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Intelligent.ru has a new article entitled "Russia Is Part of the West. Honest".

Excerpt:

Breaking the cycle of negative discourse does not mean devoting less time to criticizing Russia's failings, but it does mean reporting more about areas where cultural, economic, and political overlaps with the West already exist, so that they too can become a familiar part of our political discourse on Russia. If Russia's domestic debates were likened, say, to those that take place in any of a dozen other Western countries, I very much doubt that our perpetual foreboding about Russian democracy could be sustained. The "values gap" would eventually dissolve into manageable disagreements within the context of shared aspirations.

And I think I prefer this approach more than Ianov's or his supporter's.  You can go back and dig up and interpret history until you are blue in the face, but right now history is being made...  

This article argues that (fuggidabout what Russia wants to decide it is) the only way the West is ever going to treat Russia with respect is to see it as part of the West.  Interesting point, and there is a lot to be said in favor of bestowing on others the same kind attributes of rationalism (and isn't that lurking somewhere at the bottom of this East/West debate anyway?  Rationalism?) we hope others expect of us.  We must stop making Russia the Other.

And, and this goes back to some of the other diaries and what's really bugging me: what's more of a problem?  Putin's policies or our reaction to them?  I don't have the answer to that, but I do know that the ball is only in our court in one of these arenas.  So then we should focus more on that than pulling out our hair and screaming "Autocrat!" every time Putin does something we don't like.

Oh, there is also a nice run-through of these policies which are resulting in the hair-pulling.  I suppose it's all open to interpretation, but I'll say this Mr. Petro is doing nothing for my about-to-become-a-crush on Vladimir Putin.

But aside from my own neurotic preferences, this is actually a very good little op ed.  Wish the whole world could read it.

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 06:32:21 PM EST
[ Parent ]
what's more of a problem?  Putin's policies or our reaction to them?

The other question is: how much does our intelectual reaction affect the power holders in Russia? They care much more about Cheney's cocky announcements and such.

Like you said in other thread, it is up to Russians to improve Russia. Is it up to Russia's progressives to learn the way to be proactive and patient effectively in their own country. Wish them good luck!

by das monde on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 09:29:57 PM EST
[ Parent ]
If I may jump in with my perception of Yanov...

It is of course not true that Russia has nothing of European tradition. But the distinctions evidently do matter. Those distinctions are not falsified by mere observations how progressive Ivan III was, or that Lithuanian and Prussian states were even more patrimonial. As Pipes admits as well, Russia's history is  a struggle of conservative and what we may call liberal forces. But persistent lack of success of most progressive reforms and revolutions only shows the strength of conservative forces - patrimonalism always comes back. The way Davydov described Yanov's work is a bit simplistic: "dispelling myths" of Russia's non-European nature does not mean you can set in stone "Russia is just as Europe" and dismiss all arguments that contradict that.

Here is a bit of European Russian history: the original Russian state, Kiev Russ, was established by Variags - the Vikings that came from the North down the great Russian rivers. I have no doubt that both Russians and Scandinavians are proud of that. But still, this is a deviation from usual European histories. In particular, Christianity and eventually the Roman law came up differently.

by das monde on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 09:38:36 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Here is a bit of European Russian history: the original Russian state, Kiev Russ, was established by Variags - the Vikings that came from the North down the great Russian rivers. I have no doubt that both Russians and Scandinavians are proud of that. But still, this is a deviation from usual European histories.
In fact, having a ruling dynasty of foreign origin is quite common. Just remember Normans in England and in Normandy / Sicily,Bulgarians,Germans in Prussia and other Slavic lands ... you shouldn't go too far into history to prove the differences - it's dangerous.
by Sargon on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 04:49:05 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Well, the dynasty was of more of local origin, for as much as I know.

The Variags/Varangians were instumental in uniting the tribes and organizing the state. But those involved in active ruling got quickly assimilated.

What is probably significant for our discussion, is that the Varangians have not been under full influence of Christianity by that time. Their state building was   independent of the Romans as well. When the Vikings became more "mainstream" Europeans, they were not influencing Russia anymore. So your point only underscores some distinctions - though I can't say anything definite how important (or not) that was.  

by das monde on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 05:46:16 AM EST
[ Parent ]
The Varangian influence, if counted at all, is generally seen as counteracting the mongol influence. The Vikings based their societies on small independent units and were very far from a patrimonial society.

Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
by A swedish kind of death on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 10:28:41 AM EST
[ Parent ]
That's true. But there is one aspect which resonates with "organizing your political power in the same manner as organizing your authority over the household". Exploratory nature of Vikings' expansions occasionally meant that they were not restricting their chances to raid while the balance of power favoured them. In other words, they were treating things they could grasp and hold on as their own. This aspect might played out differently in different cases (and it did). At "best", this link shouldn't have been more than an association in Russia's case. But subsequent Mongol raides might have greatly inforced it.
by das monde on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 09:49:25 PM EST
[ Parent ]
The way Davydov described Yanov's work is a bit simplistic: "dispelling myths" of Russia's non-European nature does not mean you can set in stone "Russia is just as Europe" and dismiss all arguments that contradict that.

I had the very same reaction.  


Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Tue Jun 20th, 2006 at 11:55:37 AM EST
[ Parent ]
Now might be a good time for me to state my discomfort for relying on Western "experts" to help me understand Russia, esp. those who've been strongly anti-Soviet advisors to American conservatives, and who, in this case as in many, being both Jewish & Polish, may have some personal grievances against Russia...

Pipes has his biases, both as a Pole and as a Cold Warrior hawk among hawks, and an ideologue as a historian (don't think the Jewish part is relevant here), but he's also a genuine expert i.e. knows the subject inside and out. He's not some think tank pundit with lots of opinions and no real knowledge, nor is he some guy writing for an expat publication, or a Russian who feels he knows the subject just because of his nationality, or some blog comment writer. FWIW I find his later historical work rather poor, but the earlier stuff great.  He has also been complaining in the Polish press about needless provocations of Russia.

by MarekNYC on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:41:37 PM EST
[ Parent ]
"nor is he some guy writing for an expat publication, or a Russian who feels he knows the subject just because of his nationality, or some blog comment writer."

Yeah, I don't know why we even listen to people living in Russia, actual Russians, or our peers...

????

(Sorry, I do see your point, just feel it was delivered a bit underhandedly, no?)

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 02:50:13 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I was being deliberately snarky and including myself in that comment. It's just that the quote marks around expert rubbed me the wrong way.  This is the equivalent of a right winger snidely referring to Juan Cole as an 'expert' on Middle Eastern history and as ideologically biased, and by implication not worth listening to.
by MarekNYC on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 03:07:31 PM EST
[ Parent ]
To my view, Pipes' book and the review (of Joseph Frank) is not so much an illustration of Russia's patrimonial tradition, but analysis of historical roots of Russia's patrimonalism. And the indicated factors do look significant: starting from Mongol conguest, specific religion influence, the first ideologies, distinctions from Western feudalism, and including the patrimonial governing style of landlords and rulers. You cannot dismiss that, even if it falls within 'terribly simplistic' summaries.

Surely, we should look at Russia's own scholars. But views from a side are often very relevant as well. In particular, Pipes' expertise was indeed used idelogically - and the success only means that his expertise was good. After all, Pipes was one of the very few scholars who predicted that Soviet Union can fall apart easily - his theory apparently helped Reagan to steer that direction.

by das monde on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 08:55:52 PM EST
[ Parent ]
I hope you don't mind my plugging these things in your diary (seems as good a place as any...)

More on (obnoxious) Western attitudes toward Russia:

The NPR show, To The Point is doing a discussion on the new Cold War today (in a few minutes).  The plug refers to energy "blackmail" and backsliding on democracy.  Sounds promising! </snark>

Also, the book reviews in The eXile draw attention to the peculiar fact that dissing Russia is the new black.  Or like the Cold War, just never went out of style.  

Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities. -Voltaire

by p------- on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 01:52:55 PM EST
Fine!

Most Eastern European countries have similiar image problems. As I moved to the Netherlands in the beginning of 1990's, I did not notice much of bad attitude in the beginning - people just looked friendly to me. It was not all without pity misconceptions, but I do think that the Western impression got a bit more worse than better during the decade. Apparently the vast majority of Eastern Europeans that you would come across were cheap labour seekers or (for example) used car dealers. That became the first new frame you would be fit onto, so to speak. I hope that there is some increase of mutual idealism after the EU enlargement :-)

by das monde on Mon Jun 19th, 2006 at 10:55:28 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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