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by someone
Mon Dec 10th, 2007 at 09:25:43 AM EST
Time to drag up some articles from the Swedish press form a few weeks ago, that I found infuriating during this past weekend of much coughing and sneezing.
Svenska Dagbladet - Debatt - "Reinfeldts falskhet ett historiskt svek" 25 November, 2007 | | "Reinfeldt's dishonesty a historic betrayal" November 25, 2007 | Mona Sahlin till våldsamt angrepp mot statsministern: Han leder en regering som konsekvent och medvetet försöker vilseleda sina väljare. | | Mona Sahlin in a violent attack on the prime minister: He leads a government that is consistently and consciously trying to mislead its voters. |
This is the beginning of the introductory paragrap (by the paper, Svenska Dagbladet) to a debate article by Mona Sahlin, the opposition leader. Sounds juicy, no? A violent attack by the opposition! Accusation of betrayal and outright lying to the voters? Where might this go?
Men aldrig tidigare har vi haft en regering som konsekvent och medvetet försökt vilseleda sina väljare och dölja sin egen politiska agenda för att vinna stöd. Det går inte i längden att säga en sak och sedan göra något annat. Förr eller senare genomskådas det. Väljarstödet sjunker och förtroendet för ledarskapet viker. | | But never before have we had a government which has so reliably and consciously tried to mislead its voters and hide its own political agenda to gain support. It will not be long time successful to say one thing and then do something else. Sooner or later people will see through it. The electoral support weakens and the trust in the leadership collapses. | Bensinskatten skulle sänkas, sedan höjdes den. Regelkrånglet för företagen skulle minska, sedan vittnade småföretagen om ökade regelbördor. Det skulle aldrig bli vård efter plånbok. Sedan ändrades lagen så att akutsjukhusen nu kan säljas och patienter med privata försäkringar kan gå före i vårdkön. Sent omsider lyftes vikten av klimatåtgärder i valrörelsen. Sedan drogs stöden till energieffektivisering och energirådgivning ner och hushållens konverteringsstöd till miljövänlig uppvärmning slopades. | | The gasoline tax was to be lowered, then it was raised. The regulatory burden on businesses was to be eased, but small businesses experience increased regulations. Health care was never to be apportioned according to ability to pay. But the law was changed to allow hospitals to be sold and patients with private insurance can get ahead in line for care. Late in the election process, climate issues were emphasized. But then the support for energy efficiency and energy advice was withdrawn, as well as the support for environmental conversion of household heating. | ... | | ... | Reinfeldts regering påstår att fastighetsskatten har avskaffats. Men i stället har skatten döpts om och förändrats så att över 220 000 småhusägare får höjd skatt! Många vanliga hushåll i större städer får hela sin ekonomiska planering omkullkastad av den nya retroaktiva ränteskatten. Och allt detta för att de som äger de riktigt stora villorna i attraktiva områden ska tjäna tiotusentals kronor om året. En ekonomisk politik som dessutom leder till höjda räntor på bostadslånen, drabbar först och främst unga barnfamiljer med små ekonomiska marginaler. | | Reinfeldt's government claims that the property tax has been removed. But instead it has been renamed, so that 220000 owners of small houses pay more! Many ordinary households in larger cities gets their entire economic planning destroyed by the new retroactive rent-tax. And all of this so that the owners of very large houses in attractive areas can pay tens of thousands less each year. An economic politic that additionally causes higher interest on mortages, primarily hurts young families with children and small economic margins. | ... | | ... | Reinfeldts regering påstår att "det är låginkomsttagarnas tur". Men i stället har 70 procent av budgeten riktats till de 30 procent som har högst inkomster. | | Reinfeldt's government claims that "it is time for low wage earners". But 70 percent of the budget is designated at the 30 percent with highest incomes. | Hur många låginkomsttagare tror regeringen känner sig som vinnare? Är det landets alla pensionärer med låga inkomster? Är det alla dem vars skattesänkningar genast åts upp av höjda avgifter för a-kassa och chockhöjda trafikförsäkringspremier? Ja, inte är det de arbetslösa och sjuka - deras sänkta ersättningar betalar i stället gåvorna till de riktigt välbeställda. Riksdagens utredningstjänst (Rut) visar med helt nya beräkningar att den skatt invånarna i de rikaste kommunerna Vellinge, Danderyd, Lidingö och Kungsbacka betalar sjunker med över 800 miljoner kronor under nästa år. Det är effekten av slopad förmögenhetsskatt och den nya orättvisa fastighetsskatten. | | How many low wage earners does the government believe feel themselves winners? Is it all of the retired people with low incomes? Is it all of those who's lower taxes were immediately counter balanced by higher fees for unemployment insurance and severely raised traffic insurance premiums? Well, it is not the unemployed or the sick - their lowered compensation pays for gifts to the very well off. Riksdagen's [the parliament's] Investigatory Service (Rut) shows with new calculations that the tax payed in the riches municipalities Vellinge, Danderyd, Lidingö and Kungsbacka, is 800 million SEK lower next year. That is the result of the removed wealth tax and the new, unfair property tax. | I valrörelsen påstod Fredrik Reinfeldt att det var lögn att hans parti ville sänka skattekvoten ner mot genomsnittlig europeisk nivå. Nyss stod han på moderatstämman och applåderade sin regering för att vara på god väg att göra just det. | | During the election campaign Fredrik Reinfeldt claimed it was a lie that he wanted to lower the tax burden towards average European values. But recently he applauded that just this is being achieved at a meeting of the Moderat party. | ... | | ... | Av regeringens finansplan kan man utläsa att 1 085 000 personer kommer att stå utan reguljär sysselsättning vid mandatperiodens slut. Var tog talet om att ge jobb till den miljon som stod utanför vägen? | | In the governments finance plan one can read that 1085000 persons will be out of work by the next election. Where did the rhetoric about finding work for the million without go? | ... | | ... | Men nu försitter den borgerliga regeringen chans efter chans att bygga framtida rättvisa, tillväxt och välfärd på just arbete. Styrkan i svensk ekonomi tas inte till vara, och nu ser konjunkturen redan ut att ha nått sin topp. Trots att regeringen själv ser att det hämmar produktiviteten så sparar man på utbildning. Trots att regeringen ser flaskhalsar i produktionen och accelererande arbetskraftsbrist så uteblir även denna form av krishantering. I stället för bristyrkesutbildning satsar regeringen på att få ut fler på en låglönemarknad med okvalificerade jobb konstruerade med hjälp av stora skatterabatter för de redan rika, i vad som elakt men träffande har kallats "överklassnära" tjänster. Regeringens bidrag till dessa kostar lika mycket som 26 000 nya högskoleplatser. | | But now the bourgeois government miss chance after chance to build future fairness, growth and welfare on work. The strength of the Swedish economy is not taken advatage off, and now the economy seems to have reached its peak. Despite the fact that the government itself sees that it reduces productivity, it saves on education. Though they see bottlenecks in production and accelerating lack of workers this crisis is not dealt with. Instead of education for sectors short on workers, the government puts efforts towards getting more people onto the low-wage market with unskilled work constructed with large tax rebates for the rich, in what has been meanly but correctly called "overclass-near" work. The governments subsidies to these cost as much as 26000 new higher education spots. |
To me this seems like fair critique of the government's policies that have been to the advantage of the well-off and not so much for the rest. Something which has been noticed by voters, if the falling numbers of support for the governing coalition are any indication. This is the alliance of the right, lead by the Moderat party, claiming to be the "new workers party". Now I don't know how much one can really accuse the Alliance, or the Moderats, of having lied to the voters. It seemed pretty clear to me that their policies would favour the wealthy, and not the bulk of the population. Further, whatever advantages from job creation they might achieve through various subsidies for hiring would not significantly offset the harms wrought by lower unemployment and sickness compensations. What does seem true, however, is that the population bought the rhetoric of "the new workers party" and though that they too would benefit from lower property taxes, and that all the extra jobs would lift everyone up. However, on the balance, people feel less well off than they expected, and feel mislead, though enough information was available before the election to indicate what would be the result of the rightist policies of the Alliance. Certainly, abolishing the wealth-tax has never been to the benefit of the bulk of a population. And pro-business for rightists always mean pro-large-business. The small ones can as usual forget about any kind benefits. As for support for climate and environmental issues, are we really surprised where the rightists are on this?
Now, what kind of response did this "violent attack" find in the press? Mostly a lot of articles decrying her vicious attack. Head lines such as: "Sahlin's Fit" [Leading article, SydSvenskan], and articles taking issue with the language accusing the government of the "worst betrayal ever". But what about the policies? What about the advatages offered to the well-off and no on else? Their fact seem almost indisputable and discernable in popular opinion. So let's concede a point and attack elsewhere, seems the strategy:
Värsta språket - Sydsvenskan - Nyheter dygnet runt Opinion: Per T Ohlsson 2 December, 2007 | | Worst Language - Sydsvenskan - Nyheter dygnet runt Opinion: Per T Ohlsson December 2, 2007 | Ju högre man skriker, desto mindre har man att säga. Riktigheten i detta talesätt bekräftades förra söndagen av Mona Sahlin, socialdemokraternas partiordförande. På Dagens Nyheters debattsida gick hon till rasande angrepp mot den borgerliga regeringen. | | The louder one yells, the less on has to say. This adage was confirmed last Sunday by Mona Sahlin, the party leader of the Socialdemocrats. On the debate page of Dagens Nyheter she went to furious attack against the bourgeois government. | ... | | ... | Statsminister Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) är hårt pressad efter en strid ström av skandaler och affärer. I en Sifoundersökning för några veckor sedan, publicerad i Göteborgs-Posten strax efter Ulrica Schenströms avgång som statssekreterare, uppgav 42 procent att de fått minskat förtroende för Reinfeldt. I DN-Synovates novembermätning har gapet mellan regeringen och oppositionen vuxit till 18,6 procentenheter. Det vore närmast tjänstefel av en oppositionsledare att inte utnyttja läget för att - ännu ett talesätt - strö salt i såren. Men Mona Sahlins ordval i DN var inte bara ilsket, det var också kategoriskt: "konsekvent", "aldrig", "historiskt", "helt unikt". Vad hon hävdar är alltså att regeringen Reinfeldt står i en klass för sig när det gäller svikna löften, missvisande besked och taktiska manipulationer. Sahlin verkar förtränga det förflutna. Och därmed kastar hon - återigen ett talesätt - sten i glashus. | | Prime minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (Moderat Party ) is pressed hard after a flood of scandals and affairs. In a poll by Sifo, a few weeks ago, published in Göteborgs-Posten soon after Ulrica Schenströms resignation, 42 percent said the had less trust for Reinfeldt. In DN-Synovates poll in November the gap between the government and the opposition has grown to 18.6 percentage points. It would be almost professional misconduct for an opposition leader not to use the opportunity to - yet another adage - salt the wounds. But the choice of words by Mona Sahlin in DN was not just angry, but also categorical: "consistently", "never", "completely unique". What she claims is that the government of Reinfeldt is in a class by its own when it comes to betrayed promises, misleading information, and tactical manipulations. Sahlin seems to be repressing the past. And thereby she - yet another adage - is throwning rocks in a glass house. |
This piece deals almost exclusively with how Mona Sahlin's language was too mean, too categorical. It concedes in places that some of her critique of policies might be correct. But then we are taken for a long detour of betrayed promises of Social democratic governments past, so that we may appreciate how her extreme language is so wrong, and how the government is not the "worst ever". An emphasis on choice of words, politics, scandals and process, and a very light touch when it comes to the question of the results of the rightist policies being implemented in Sweden. The author of this piece concedes that there should be a vocal opposition, but that it has to limit itself in order to work with the other side on the really important challenges to the nation. And what might those challenges be?
Ett annat problem med Sahlins kategoriska och oförsonliga språkbruk är att det riskerar att omöjliggöra meningsfulla samtal och kontakter över blockgränsen. Motsättningarna mellan blocken skall vara tydliga. Men Sverige står samtidigt inför väldiga utmaningar som kräver uthålliga och brett förankrade lösningar, precis som när det tidigare gällt skatter, pensioner och EU. En sådan utmaning lyfts fram i årets SNS-rapport från Välfärdsrådet. Författarna, fyra ekonomer, framhåller att det inte finns någon motsättning mellan höga välfärdsambitioner och en framgångsrik globaliseringsstrategi. Men då måste trygghetssystem och skatter vara utformade så att de motverkar dels uppkomsten av ett låglöneproletariat bland globaliseringens förlorare, dels massflykt bland de välutbildade höginkomsttagare som är globaliseringens vinnare. Detta innebär, påpekar Välfärdsrådet, att en tung börda läggs på den medelklass som brukar avgöra valen. Utan politiskt samförstånd kring de grundläggande frågorna om välfärdens finansiering är det som upplagt för enkla lösningar och populistisk exploatering. | | Another problem with the categorical and irreconcilable use of language is that it risks to make impossible meaningful dialogue and contact between the political blocks. The difference between the blocks should be clear. But Sweden is facing enormous challenges that require endurable and wide solutions, just like earlier on taxes, pensions and the EU. A challenge like that is highlighted in this years SNS-rapport by Välfärdsrådet [the Welfare Council, a 'think tank']1. The authors, four economists, claim that there is no opposition between large welfare ambitions and a successful globalisation. But then the welfare system and taxes must be shaped to avoid the creation of a low wage proletariat among the losers, and a mass-flight amongst the winners, the well-educated high-income groups. This means that a heavy burden must be placed on the middle-class which usually determines the outcome of elections. Lacking political unity around the basic questions of the financing of the welfare state we are susceptible to easy solutions and populist exploitations. |
So, in order to face the challenges to the nation, we must work together on, and have political consensus around, certain inevitable, inarguable financial and economic areas. The real unease around Sahlin's "fit" or "violent attack" seems to be that she might be suggesting disagreement with this standard neo-liberal fare. She makes of course no policy suggestions of her own here (the piece would have had to be quite a bit longer to allow for that...), something for which she is customerily upbraided elsewhere. But this hint, that maybe, maybe there is not political consensus on economic policy, that maybe in fact this could be a main area of opposition, is a scary one indeed. Yes, there should be vocal opposition, it is necessary for Democracy™, but it must never be allowed to become dangerous populism by critisizing the established economic Truth of neo-liberalism. I wonder what these "Welfare Council" people mentioned in the article are suggesting? And what does this "more pressure on the middle-class" mean? From their website, they seem to suggest the following picture:
- Globalisation allows for the easy movement of Capital, the well-educated, the rich, and jobs.
- The jobs that are mobile include some that do in fact require advanced qualifications, i.e. engineers and programmers.
- Some unskilled and other work does not move abroad easily. Service people, health care professional, etc.
- The low-skilled but necessary people in local service jobs might have to be financially supported
- The rich cannot be taxed more, because then they leave the country
- Corporate taxes will have to be kept low to keep Sweden competitive
- Taxes should be put on consumption and property, two immobile tax bases.
- This will squeeze the middle class, but that is okay, they are kinda spoilt, and not very mobile.
- The problem is, there are a lot of them, and they vote.
So, Capital and the rich need to be appeased, or they will pick up and leave. We must preserve this 'productive' segment and support them at any cost. This is not just a downside. They will require more services, which if properly subsidized, can be expanded. (Rich people could have a cook, a maid, a gardener and a butler, if we'd just let them pay reasonable wages! Think how efficient that would be!!) The middle class is no longer economically productive, and should be squeezed. How kind that someone points out above that we must "avoid the creation of a low wage proletariat". But, how much can one realistically 'squeeze' a middle class, with between 60% and 115% of the average in disposable income, and not in fact create a very large underclass?
Svenska Dagbladet to the rescue, in an article on the leading page:
SvD » Ledarsidan » Lösningen kan inte vara att plundra medelklassen 20 november 2007 | | SvD » The leading page » The solution cannot be to plunder the middleclass. November 20, 2007 | Borde staten dela ut gratis heroin till tunga narkomaner? ... | | Should the state hand out free heroin to addicts? ... | För välfärdsstatens barn räcker det inte med gratis heroin. Det ska vara gratis heroin och leverans till dörren vid de lagstadgade fem veckorna semester. | | For the children of the welfare state it is not enough with free heroin. It must be free heroin delivered to the door during the five weeks of vacations enshrined in law. | Mycket vill ha mer, brukar det heta. Och det stämmer inte minst när det gäller välfärdssystemen. En liknande tendens identifierar Välfärdsrådet, en forskargrupp på uppdrag av Studieförbundet näringsliv och samhälle, i sin rapport Svensk välfärd och globala marknader. Ju rikare vi blir, desto högre krav ställer vi på välfärdsapparaten, konstaterar rådet. En följdfråga blir hur vi ska kunna finansiera den ständigt svällande välfärdssektorn i dessa tider av globalisering, när både skattebetalare och jobb med enkelhet flyttar utomlands. God tillväxt räcker inte, för rikedomen leder till högre krav. Finansieringsmodellen bakom välfärdssystemet måste anpassas, menar man. | | Much wants more, as they say. And this is very true when it comes to the welfare system. A similar tendency is identified by Välfärdsrådet[the Welfare Council], a research group on behalf of Studieförbundet näringsliv och samhälle[Centre for Business and Policy Studies], in its report on Swedish welfare and global markets. The richer we become the higher demands we put on the welfare system, the conclude. A follow-up question of how to finance the continously growing welfare sector in these times of globalisation, when both tax payers and jobs easily move abroad. Good growth is not enough, because the riches leads to higher demands. The financing model behind the welfare system must be adapted. | ... | | ... | Lägre skatter för de fattiga, och lägre skatter för de rika, alltså. De som får ta notan blir, med författarnas ord, "medelklassen - som inte behöver några extra incitament för att arbeta och som har begränsade möjligheter att få jobb utomlands." | | Lower taxes for the poor, and lower taxes for the rich. The ones left to pay , in the words of the authors, are "the middleclass - who doesn't need an extra incitement to work and who has limited abilities to get work abroad." | Rapportförfattarna är dock inte dummare än att de ser de uppenbara politiska svårigheterna i detta. Den politiker som vill höja fastighetsskatt och matmoms för att lansera sänkt kapitalskatt blir inte långvarig i Sverige. Medelklassen väger tungt på valdagen. | | The authors are not so stupid as to not realize the political difficulties of their diagnosis. The politician who'd like to raise property taxes and VAT on food to finance lower taxes on capital wont last long in Sweden. The middleclass weighs heavily on election day. | Problemet tycks olösligt. Frågan blir då rimligen om man inte måste byta infallsvinkel i stället. Kanske är det ingen naturlag att välfärdsstaten till varje pris alltid måste ha samma omfattning? | | The problem seems intractable. The question is if one might reasonably have to change point of view. Maybe it is not a natural law that the welfare state must have the same extent at all times? | Vissa saker kanske ska vara avgiftsbelagda. Som leverans till dörren. Och vissa saker kanske staten inte alls ska tillhandahålla. Som heroin. För att bara ta ett exempel. | | Some things should perhaps be had only against a fee. Like delivery at the door. Like heroin. Just one example. |
Yes, this atrocious piece appeared on the leading page of a major Swedish newspaper. It is unsigned, and thus represents the official editorial line of the paper. How kindly they explain that the middle class should not be plundered. They just have completely unrealistic demands on the welfare state, that's all. Like heroin addicts demanding free delivery of their drug to the door! Before the election, it was emphasized that no one questions the welfare state any more. Oh, no. Everyone likes it, no one dares to touch it. Now we find out that due to global challenges it might in fact not be affordable, unless its costs are shifted onto the middle class, and away from capital, business and the rich, since these might just pick up an leave. Since it is not politically feasible to squeeze the middle class, maybe we cannot have all that welfare. And lets be sure that articles about this are as offensive as could possibly be. Like addicts, the middle class must have their drug taken away, and be rehabilitated!
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- SNS - Studieförbundet Näringsliv och Samhälle
SNS - Centre for Business and Policy Studies SNS is an independent network of leading decision makers from the private and public sectors who share a commitment to social and economic development in Sweden. Its aim is to improve the basis for rational decisions on major social and economic issues, by promoting social science research and stimulating public debate.
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