I think Barroso has only tried to be a radical neoliberal in the first two years of the Commission. After that he's moved to mainstream third way neoliberalism because he wanted to get some things passed, too, and he also wanted to be re-elected. He could move further to the left as the centre shifts further. The problem is that he's been an ineffective leader and that the PES has indeed missed an opportunity to move the centre.

On Barroso's effectiveness, I have an old post on blogger called 'Fonctionnaires'. I think that since then, Barroso's Commission has improved a bit but has not shown a clear sense of direction. Poul Nyrup Rasmussen of the PES or Jean-Claude Juncker for the EPP would both be better Commission Presidents. Balkenende, who has also been mentioned on the EPP side, would be much the same as Barroso, in terms of his leadership abilities.

The culture of the Commission is that of a "civil service" which means that it evolves in a different way to that of a political entity.

That has pros and cons, but (as is the case with the British Civil Service) it is a large problem, IMO, that the culture of the Commission has become quite knee-jerk neo-liberal because it will not be quickly changed.

The Tory break with the EPP grouping in the European Parliament could spell trouble for the party, forced to choose between unsavoury allies and obscurity

This may seem like one for anoraks only, but David Cameron's decision to honour his leadership election promise to split from the European People's Party has important implications for politics, both here and on the continent, that deserve wider attention. It leaves the European right fragmented and weakened by ideological division and raises serious questions about the depth and sincerity of Cameron's shift to the political centre. It also risks leaving the UK more internationally isolated under an incoming Conservative government than at any time since joining the EEC in 1973.

By any normal standard the move is an odd one. Leaving the EPP means forfeiting considerable influence as the second largest party in the European Parliament's largest political group in exchange for a very uncertain future. The best case scenario is that the Conservatives will find enough allies to form a group of around fifty MEPs, putting them on a par with the communists and the greens on Strasbourg's fringe. But even this may prove tricky. To pass the required threshold, a political group must have member parties in at least seven different member states. At the moment the Conservatives can only rely on the Czech ODS. Unless they can find MEPs from five other EU countries to join them, the Conservatives will have to choose one of the following: to fade into groupless obscurity, to join a group that includes neo-fascists or to crawl back to the EPP with their tails between their legs. Cameron's move is a gamble that could yet end in humiliation

Neurope: Sarkozy blessing boosts Barroso return hopes

However, Sarkozy suggested delaying Barroso's appointment until after an October referendum in Ireland, which advocates hope will pave the way for new rules governing the way the European Commission is made up to come into force. Barroso can also rely on the support of British Premier Gordon Brown, who heads a Labour government, as well as Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, a Socialist. "We have always supported him as a president of the European Commission, he has been a good president for the interests of Spain," Zapatero said.

Financial Times (Tony Barber): Big job, tiny electorate: Barroso set fair for a second term

On the left, meanwhile, Portugal's José Sócrates and Spain's José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero are behind Barroso. So, too, is Matti Vanhanen, Finland's centrist prime minister.

An inside take (of the federalists) can be found here. First comment.