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Welcome to European Tribune. It's gone a bit quiet around here these days, but it's still going.
by r------
Tue Apr 10th, 2012 at 12:49:45 PM EST
Yesterday and today, a bit of a spat has broken out between Daniel Cohn-Bendit,supposed "revolutionary" of 1968 and EELV Eurodeputy, and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a candidate for French President who actually talks the language of Revolution and polling well because of it . Cohn-Bendit gave an interview to Le Monde, the press organ of the centre and centre-left professional classes in France. In that interview (reproduced below) Cohn-Bendit attacks Mélenchon for being, among other things, simplistic, not committed to Europe, anti-American, and unrealistic.
In response, Mélenchon, who is polling in the mid-teens and is in many polls now in third place for the first round of voting in a fortnight (ahead of both the National Front's Marine Le Pen and the New Centre's François Bayrou, not to mention EELV's candidate, Eva Joly, polling in the 1-2% range and going nowhere), hits back hard (also reproduced below).
More over the flip.
Le Monde : Que pensez-vous de la "conversion" écologique de Jean-Luc Mélenchon?
Daniel Cohn-Bendit : Ce n'est pas à moi de juger du degré de réalité de cette "conversion". Il m'est arrivé de débattre avec lui, de l'avoir donc en face de moi, et j'ai moi aussi entendu ce discours, dont je prends acte. Ce n'est pas sa sincérité que je remets en question. Je ne suis pas le pape de l'écologie, je n'ai pas à décider qui est dans le camp du bien, et qui ne l'est pas. Vous savez, personne n'est génétiquement écologiste, on vient tous de quelque part. L'écologie politique est un courant qui est né et s'est développé il y a une trentaine d'années, ce qui signifie que ni Eva Joly ni moi ne sommes nés "écolos". |
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What do you think of "conversion" ecological Jean-Luc Melenchon?
DCB: It's not my place to judge the bona fides of this "conversion". I`ve debated him in the past , face to face, and I also heard of his comments to this effect, of which I take note. It's not his sincerity that I question. I am not the Pope of ecology, I do not decide who are the good guys, and who are not. You know, nobody is genetically environmentalist, it all comes from somewhere. Political ecology is a current that was born thirty years ago and has grown from those origins, which means that neither Eva Joly and I are born "environmentalists".
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It should be noted that not only is there no pope of the ecology movement, but there is not any longer one party with a monopoly on the environmental issue, with EELV's forthcoming pathetic showing in the French presidential elections a good indication that the Greens, at least in France, have had their issues in the main taken up by less single-issue political formations, and are therefore logically struggling to remain relevant.
And not only was Eva Joly not born an environmentalist, her conversion to the cause is quite recent.
Le Monde : Vous devriez vous réjouir de voir d'autres leaders politiques rejoindre votre combat...
DCB : Je ne déplore nullement l'arrivée de Jean-Luc Mélenchon sur le terrain de l'écologie. Il est bon d'échanger et de débattre. Simplement, son discours écologique mérite d'être décodé. Car de quoi nous parle-t-il, dans le fond ? Il nous raconte une histoire, celle de la gauche républicano-socialiste, avec ses grandes références républicaines, Jaurès, la Révolution, et il développe la pierre angulaire de sa pensée, qui est la place centrale qui doit être accordée à l'Etat.
C'est d'ailleurs au nom de cette place centrale accordée à l'Etat qu'il prône dans ses écrits une relation privilégiée avec la Chine. Il y a chez Jean-Luc Mélenchon une haine à peine voilée de l'Amérique, avec une fascination pour Fidel Castro et Hugo Chavez. |
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You should rejoice in seeing other political leaders to join your fight ...
I do not regret at all that Jean-Luc Melenchon is now occupying the political space of ecology. It is good to discuss and debate.It's just that his ecological discourse deserves to be decoded. For what we are we talking about, at root? Mélenchon is telling a story, that of the Socialist-Republican left, with its great republican points of reference, of Jaures, the Revolution, and he develops therein the cornerstone of his thought, which is the central place that the State should occupy..
It is also in the name of this central role accorded to the state that he advocates in his writings a special relationship with China, a thinly veiled hatred of America, a fascination with Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez.
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Here, it is hard to see what DCB is trying to achieve by refering to Chavez and to Castro. A red herring? In any event, DCB seems to criticise Mélenchon's belief that the State should play a fundamental role in formulating a response to environmental challenges, without explicitly admitting that his position therefore is fundamentally one of market solutions. Why else Castro? Chavez? Perhaps also because DCB is also betraying some Western German bias here, having grown up on a steady diet of US Army fed anti-communism, he instinctively finds as ridiculous any notion that one might have less than unambiguous disdain for these two figures (an ideological lack of subtleness also largely shared among the so-called centre-left in Germany (SPD, Greens) though not, of course, Die Linke.
Le Monde : Quel rapport entre ce "tropisme chinois" que vous décrivez et son discours sur l'écologie ?
DCB : Evident ! Quand vous avez ces références-là, quand toute évolution de la société doit passer par l'Etat, les initiatives locales sont systématiquement étouffées. La transition écologique est si complexe à réaliser qu'on ne peut se permettre de laisser de côté toute cette énergie. Le Front de gauche vient de signer un texte contre la décentralisation. Pour moi, un tel retour en arrière est incompréhensible. Et, au-delà, il mènera à l'échec. |
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What relationship between the "Chinese excessiveness" (`too much-ism) that you describe and Mélenchon's treatment of ecology?
This is obvious! When you have these (statist) references then, when the whole evolution of society must pass through the state, the role of local initiatives is systematically minimised. The ecological transition is such a complex operation that we can not afford to ignore all that energy. The Left Front has signed a text against decentralization. For me, such a rollback is incomprehensible. And beyond that, it will lead to failure. |
Here, DCB is arguing with a straw man of his own construction. The Left Front may be against decentralisation, but as regards ecology, what is more pertinent is the belief that only the strong hand of the State can adequately address ecological challenges facing us. The Left Front is not against, of course, private environmental initiatives, nor local ones. It simply proposes that the central authority of the State should be emphasised, as this achieves critical mass (in financing, in legal framework, and so on) more effectively and is therefore more economically efficient.
DCB, characteristically, bombastically accuses this approach of leading to failure, without of course explaining why this is so.
Le Monde : On peut comprendre le raisonnement selon lequel un Etat fort sera à même d'imposer des règles et en particulier une fiscalité écologique...
DCB : Oui, ce raisonnement est valable. Mais comment encore croire que l'Etat central peut tout ? Je vais vous donner un exemple des sottises qu'on peut lire dans le programme de Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Il prône la renationalisation de l'ensemble du secteur de l'énergie, qui serait donc placé sous l'autorité de l'Etat. Mais qu'est-ce que ça change ? Elf s'est-il mieux comporté que Total ? Et EDF n'a fait que bloquer toute tentative de transformation en France ces trente dernières années.
Si on veut amorcer la transition énergétique, il y a une chose à faire : casser le monopole d'EDF. Tous les Etats qui sont allés vers une transition énergétique ont fait ainsi. L'Allemagne, pays pionnier dans ce domaine, a fait ainsi. Mais, au-delà de ces deux conceptions de l'Etat qui nous opposent, je reproche à Jean-Luc Mélenchon de faire croire qu'on peut réaliser la transition énergétique dans un seul pays. |
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One can understand the reasoning that a strong state will be able to impose rules and in particular environmental taxation ...
Yes, this reasoning is valid. But how can we still believe that the central state can do everything? Let me give you an example of the nonsense you read in Mélenchon's program. He advocates the re-nationalization of the entire energy sector, which would be placed under the authority of the State. But what difference does it make? Elf (formerly State-controlled petroleum company) has done better than Total? And EDF (State-owned power generation company) has only blocked every attempt to transform France over the past thirty years.
If you want to begin the energy transition, there is one thing to do: break the monopoly of EDF. All states who underwent an energy transition did so. Germany, a pioneer country in this area, did so. But, beyond these two conceptions of the state which separate us, I fault Jean-Luc Melenchon for believing you can undertake energy transition in a single country. |
DCB neglects a number of very informative contexts here. Nationalisation (of Elf, of EDF and GDF) in France has nearly always been an affair of the Statist Right (short-lived exceptions in banking and insurance). So, Mr Cohn-Bendit is criticising a historical record of State ownership which is at best irrelevant to, and more accurately anathema to, what the Left Front proposes. In the past, State ownership simply meant the State directed capital investment (of the construction of nuclear power plants) or, in the case of Elf, the State directed foreign policy (in particular, in Africa) in order to ensure France had it's own world-class petroleum firm. This is quite different from what Jean-Luc Mélenchon proposes, which is indeed a long-term plan to transition away from fossil fuels and towards a more distributed grid, and cleaner renewables.
Le Monde : L'impuissance de l'Europe lui donne des arguments...
DCB : Mais il a tort. Qui peut croire une seconde que l'Europe n'est pas l'espace adéquat pour réaliser tous les investissements nécessaires ? Si on réalisait une taxation de 0,1 % sur chaque appel téléphonique passé en Europe, en plus de la taxation sur les transactions financières, on pourrait rassembler, selon les calculs, entre 50 et 80milliards d'euros par an qui iraient dans les caisses de l'Europe. Elles sont là, les marges de manoeuvre, au niveau de l'Europe, pas des Etats appauvris qui la composent ! | |
Europe's powerlessness gives him arguments ...
But he is wrong. Who can believe one second that Europe has not the (proper and) adequate scale to carry all the necessary investments? If you enacted a 0.1% tax on every phone call happened in Europe, in addition to the tax on financial transactions, these could generate, according to calculations, between 50 and 80 billion euros per year that would go into Europe's coffers. There it is, the necessary room for maneuver - at the European level, not impoverished states which compose it! |
Anybody who has thoughtfully observed European institutions over the past decade could only draw the conclusion that here, DCB is at best a dangerous dreamer and at worst, a demogogue. There will be no Europe-wide 0.1% tax on telephone calls. There will be no Europe-wide Tobin tax. To state otherwise is to be, in a word, foolish. If anyone here is wrong-headed, it is clearly DCB.
Le Monde : Au-delà de cette conception de l'Etat et de l'Europe qui vous opposent, vous reprochez à Jean-Luc Mélenchon de recycler les vieux discours du Parti communiste des années 1950...
Mais oui ! Quand vous entendez Jean-Luc Mélenchon fustiger l'impérialisme américain, n'entendez-vous pas en creux les discours du PC contre l'OTAN dans les années 1950 ? Non seulement il nous ressuscite une rhétorique très "guerre froide", mais il escamote dans son discours tout ce qui le gêne. Il est contre la décentralisation, contre les langues régionales, et il ne cesse de citer Jaurès, sans jamais dire qu'il commençait ses discours en occitan ! Il parle de la Révolution, sans jamais en montrer les aspects dérangeants...
Moi aussi, je veux bien refaire l'histoire à ma sauce, ça n'est pas bien compliqué, mais c'est tellement simplificateur. La vie, ce n'est pas aussi simple qu'un discours de Jean-Luc Mélenchon. L'émergence de cette gauche, jacobine, centralisatrice et caricaturale est pain bénit pour Nicolas Sarkozy. | |
Beyond this conception of the State and Europe which separates you, you accuse Jean-Luc Melenchon of recycling old speeches of the Communist Party of the 1950s ...
Yes of course! When you hear Jean-Luc Melenchon castigate American imperialism, do not you hear the speech the hollow Communist Party diatribes against NATO in the 1950s? He not only resurrects for us some very "cold war" rhetoric, but he evades anything that bothers him. He is against decentralization, against regional languages, and he repeatedly quotes Jaurès without ever saying Jaurès began many of his speeches in Occitan! He speaks of Revolution, though never mentioning their disturbing aspects ...
I too would like to rewrite history to my taste, it's not very complicated, but it's so simplistic. Life, it's not as simple as a speech by Jean-Luc Melenchon. The emergence of this caricature of the centralising Jacobin left is a godsend for Nicolas Sarkozy. |
Life is also not as simple as Daniel Cohn-Bendit's far-fetched plans for an EC-driven green energy policy. Beyond that, here again Mr Cohn-Bendit leaves out important context: Jaurès, it is true, did speak Occitan, and gave speeches in it. But that was one hundred years ago, when quite a few people spoke Occitan, or Provençal, or Ch'ti, or Breton. In any event, it is hard to fathom why Cohn-Bendit finds it important to highlight this issue, which is at best a non sequitur as far as today's France goes (noting in passing that the regional language movement in France has typically been a traditionalist, right-wing endeavour, and certainly not a progressive one. It is hard enough to ensure that French schoolchildren learn in equal measure, in the hardscrabble suburbs as opposed to the cushy neighbourhoods of western and central Paris, proper French).
Le Monde : Pourquoi ?
Cela lui permet de désigner à l'opinion cette gauche littéralement gangrenée par la question nationale, bloquée idéologiquement sur la question européenne, et fondamentalement anti-Occident. La montée en puissance de Jean-Luc Mélenchon fait bien l'affaire du président sortant. | |
Why?
Because it allows him to promote a view, that of the old left, which is literally atrophied by question of nationalism, ideologically blocked on the question of Europe, and fundamentally anti-Western. The rise of Jean-Luc Melenchon does the bidding of the outgoing president. |
No comment, aside to say that if anything, the rise of DCB's occasional eructations do the bidding of Marine Le Pen and the National Front, as Jean-Luc Mélenchon's pungent response reponse on France Inter this morning reflects:
"Daniel Cohn-Bendit est un type qui est spécialisé à tirer dans le dos. Il tire dans le dos d'Eva Joly, il tire dans le mien... C'est une habitude chez lui", a répondu Jean-Luc Mélenchon mardi 10 avril, sur France Inter, à l'eurodéputé écologiste, qui l'a vivement critiqué dans un entretien au Monde, publié la veille...
"J'explique des choses fort compliquées donc je suis content qu'on trouve ça simple", a rétorqué M. Mélenchon, invité à répondre aux déclarations de M. Cohn-Bendit, sur France Inter...
M. Cohn-Bendit "est-il lâche ?", demande le journaliste de la radio. Réponse de l'ancien sénateur socialiste : "Non mais il a besoin de taper (...) Il a parfaitement le droit de ne pas être d'accord avec moi mais pour quelqu'un de gauche, l'urgence serait plutôt de taper sur l'extrême-droite, surtout au moment où moi, je fais tout ce que je peux pour la faire passer derrière moi [Marine Le Pen]. Il pourrait donner un petit coup de main utile mais il veut pas, il veut pas...", a regretté M. Mélenchon, avant d'assurer que "le Front de gauche est dorénavant une composante de l'écologie en France".
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"Daniel Cohn-Bendit is a guy who specializes in back-stabbing. He back-stabbed Eva Joly, he backstabs be ... It's what he does," said Jean-Luc Melenchon Tuesday, April 10, on France Inter, refering to the EELV MEP, who strongly criticized in an interview with Le Monde, published yesterday.
"I explain a lot of quite complicated things, so I'm glad he found it simple," replied Mr. Mélenchon invited to respond to Mr. Cohn-Bendit's attacks on France Inter.
Mr. Cohn-Bendit "is a coward?" Asks the radio journalist. The response of the former Socialist Senator: "No, but he needs to attack. He has every right not to agree with me, but for someone (supposedly) on the left, it seems to me that urgency would require rather that he attack the far right, especially when I'm doing everything I can to move ahead of Le Pen. He could give a helping hand but he just doesn't want to. .. "lamented Mr. Mélenchon, before assuring that" the Left Front is now a component of ecology in France. " |
These elections here in France, beyond likely signaling the end of 17 years' of Right-wing control of the office of the Presidency, have also signaled the re-unification of the left, for the first time probably since Georges Marchais was still secretary of the PCF. These are two big achievements. That don't solve anything in and of themselves, but they point to a better future, one way (the electoral process) or another.
A third development, which Cohn-Bendit seems to acidly try to elude, appears to be the increasing irrelevance of France's Greens, yesterday's men and women on Europe, on the role of the State, and consequently, on the environment itself. It's hard to tell if this is to be lamented or welcomed.
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