This is the film in which Bob Hoskins (whom I only knew for his later, mostly comedic roles) shows the acting of his life as a gangster boss trying to become a legal businessman, and in which young Pierce Brosman left enough impression in a role with a single "Hi" as the only spoken word to establish his career in film, but Helen Mirren as the brain behind the brawn was just as impressive.

I read in advance that the film was prophetic in capturing the spirit of the coming Thatcher era. This included the very project Hoskins's gangster wanted to start to become a 'legal businessman': re-developing London's Docklands district (which happened in reality, on an even grander scale than imagined in the film). And here it got personal for me: as a child I visited London in 1980 (on a grand trip of Western Europe with my family) and we also took a walk across the Docklands, and I recognised where on the grand camera pan early in the film (shot just a year before we were there); now all of this is history.

_{*Lunatic*, n.
One whose delusions are out of fashion.}

Everything is alright again, then.  

It requires a party willing to challenge that narrative. The greens are doing so. Labour could but aren't. Tories used to but aren't that sort of party anymore

keep to the Fen Causeway

THE SNP could team up with parties such as Plaid Cymru and the Greens at Westminster to build a new alliance in a bid to bring an end to the "austerity economics" pursued by the major parties there, Scotland's new First Minister said.

[...]

She stated: "My aim is that the SNP wins the general election in Scotland, and there is every prospect of a hung parliament at Westminster.

"The SNP would never act to put the Tories in power. In these circumstances, our constructive approach is that the SNP will seek common cause in a balanced parliament with progressive forces across the regions of England, Wales and Northern Ireland to rebalance the UK in political and economic terms.

Meanwhile, if Labour don't win, Miliband will lose the confidence of the party and will be asked to resign. He will limp though that October election, at which Labour will get a drubbing similar to 1983. But there's nobody around with the credibility to rebuild a left leaning party. And the world doesn't need another conservative party, even one led by Ed Balls.

keep to the Fen Causeway

The party's myriad contradictions, splits and flip-flops have been treated as if they do not matter. Ukip has been for massive spending increases and for massive spending cuts; it has been for ultra-low tax for the rich and for higher taxes on luxury goods until it wasn't again; it has been for privatisation of the NHS and against privatisation of the NHS. During the byelection campaign, the Ukip position on whether they would forcibly repatriate migrants from the EU changed in the space of 24 hours. Immigration and withdrawal from the EU are supposed to be their specialist subjects and they can't hold to a consistent line even about that.

This has often escaped the fierce scrutiny that is applied to the traditional parties because Ukip was not seen as a party of potential power.

Well, now it could be. No one from the other parties laughs when Mr Farage conjectures that he could have 20 MPs in the next parliament and hold the balance of power. He won't be prime minister, but there are scenarios in which he could get to choose who is prime minister. With that potential power ought to come the responsibility to explain in detail what he might do with it.

The traditional parties and much of the media are still struggling with how to treat Ukip. Here's an idea. Subject them to the robust interrogation of policies and postures that is applied to every other party that aspires to decide how we are governed. Fewer pictures of Nigel down the pub, more questions about what he would do with power. Ukip wants to be taken seriously. So it should be. But as the Lib Dems have painfully discovered, ultimately there may be nothing more disappointing for Ukip than having its dream come true.