He should make Johnson sweat.

Things are going to slide, slide in all directions
Won't be nothing
Nothing you can measure anymore
L. Cohen

Labour leader previews manifesto plans and says no deal would be gift to Trump

Jeremy Corbyn has put his party on a general election footing while renewing his pledge to block a no-deal Brexit in parliament this week.

In a wide-ranging speech that focused heavily on the party's manifesto pledges and support for the north of England, the Labour leader said his priority was to legislate to stop no deal by teaming up with other parties.

However, he raised speculation that he would back an election in any circumstances, even if Boris Johnson was to call one. In an off-camera remark to Sky News at the event in Salford, he said: "Of course, we are the opposition party, we want a general election."

The electorate has had three years to reconsider Brexit. The risks of Brexit are now much better understood. The Conservative Party is more divided than ever on Brexit. Will Trumboris be able to turn back the tide of Remain sentiment that has grown since 2016? Will the Conservative Party formally split into two parties, one for Brexit, the other for Remain? How likely is a larger under 40 voter turnout this time? It would be a pity to fail even to try to stop Brexit just because you fear you might fail.

"It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."

Presidentialization in the United Kingdom Prime Ministerial Power and Parliamentary Democracy

Abstract

Prime Ministerial Chief Executives can access theoretical and practical, formal and informal power resources that extend their authority in government. Studies of executive politics in the UK are best served by `bringing the Prime Minister back in', applying a theory of `presidentialization' rooted in a centre-periphery model of a semi-pluralist but definitively hierarchical executive. Here, with regard to actors and institutions, power is relational, but also locational in an executive within which the Prime Minister (as both actor and institution) is sited at the apex of the hierarchy.

Invariably subject to intra-executive and executive-legislature relations, Prime Ministerial influence is contingent on transient institutional and personal resource factors. These include electoral strength, political base, success, and a favourable profile, resources in turn determined by parliamentary majority, policy record, backbench and frontbench popularity, party popularity, electoral rating, news media profile, and personalisation, the ever-growing association of political processes with political personalities. To date the `command premiership' demonstrates the centrality the Prime Minister can enjoy in British government. The parliamentary executive in Britain exercises considerably more powers to govern than does the presidential executive in the U.S. The Prime Minister commands considerable authority within the executive, he or she will possess as much executive power and far more legislative authority than does the U.S. President.

'You're either a weak Prime Minister, in which case they'll knock you for that, or if you appear to have a clear sense of direction, and know what you want to do, then you are a quasi-dictator. And all this President Blair rubbish, it's absolute rubbish.' Tony Blair, The Observer, 5 September 1999.

"They have got to know I'm running the show."Tony Blair, quoted in The Sunday Times, 26 April 1988

Even with devolution of power to Scotland and Wales, Britain remains to all extents and purposes a unitary, centralised parliamentary democracy with a majoritarian non-proportional electoral system, a two and a half rather than a multi party system, and a legislature which is effectively unicameral. This non-consensual, non-coalitional, hierarchical political regime produces single party government and provides the executive with considerable power and authority. Majoritarian government is a continuing feature of Britain's 'Westminster Model', and is the key factor in a creeping presidentialization which, within limits, under certain conditions and subject to ebbs and flows, has facilitated the growth of Prime Ministerial power within their party, the legislature and the executive in recent years.

A short animation that introduces the UK Parliament, looking at its history and how it works today.

○ UK Parliament

'Sapere aude'

The prime minister will ask MPs to back a general election for 14 October should a cross-party rebel alliance vote to take control of parliament tomorrow, according to a government source.

Boris Johnson secretly agreed to suspend parliament in mid-August, explosive court documents reveal - nearly two weeks before denying the plan existed.

An email was sent to the prime minister and Dominic Cummings, his chief aide, entitled "Ending The Session", which says "we should prorogue" from 9 September.

It was revealed in Edinburgh's Court of Session, which is hearing a legal challenge to stop parliament being shut down for five weeks, preventing MPs making any further moves on the Brexit crisis.

Three days before the shock prorogation plan was announced last week, Downing Street strongly denied any such intention to send MPs home.

Well, yeah. So well-timed, the "sudden" decision: loads of bigwigs still swilling Chianti in Tuscany or lolling on beach towels (somewhere in the EU), while the Queen is at Balmoral far from her usual staff (and no, she thinks twitter is what birds do). So she is rapidly advised by a meeting of her Privy Council. (This does not meet where it seems to say.)

The Privy Council is a huge boondoggle of 702 members, some judiciary (it still partly functions as a high court for some cases), all supposed to advise the monarch.

Oddly, for 702 members, its quorum is 3. So only 3 people were ready and waiting to go to Balmoral and advise the Queen immediately after Bozzer's "shock" announcement: the Lord High President of the Council, who is none other than J. Ree-Smogg; the Leader of the House of Lords, Baroness Evans (curses), and the Tory Chief Whip in the Commons, Mark Spencer.

Three top Tories primed and ready to advise Her Majesty that Bojo's plan was simply wizard. The Royal Consent was given immediately.

No conflicting voices. Corbyn could have been there, he's a Privy Councillor. John Bercow could have been there to say it was a "constitutional outrage", he's a Privy Councillor. But no, it was a stitch-up from the start.

Of course it was prepared in advance.

Things are going to slide, slide in all directions
Won't be nothing
Nothing you can measure anymore
L. Cohen

Former minister defects to Lib Dems, accusing Boris Johnson of pursuing a `damaging Brexit'
Boris Johnson has seen his one-vote Commons majority vanish before his eyes, as a statement by the prime minister to parliament was undermined by the very public defection of the Conservative MP Phillip Lee to the Liberal Democrats.

The stunt, in which the pro-remain Bracknell MP walked across the chamber to the Lib Dem benches flanked by two of his new colleagues, happened as Johnson updated the Commons on last month's G7 summit, a statement devoted mainly to Brexit.
....
MPs will vote on Tuesday evening on whether to take control of the order paper to allow the passage of the bill. Johnson has promised to seek a general election if they do so.

Should Parliament pass a proposed bill requiring that the Government request a delay if there is no agreed withdrawal plan by Oct 15 this could scupper Boris's plans. It could force him to resign by October 15. If not there would be a clear constitutional crisis. My question is: Given such a law and no deal by Oct 15 would the EU be justified in extending the date regardless of the actions of the PM. Who is sovereign - the PM or Parliament?

"It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."

Party discipline has been fraying at the edges throughout the many months of this fractious hung parliament.

But by threatening to impose the severest sanction - permanent expulsion - on rebels, Johnson is effectively challenging them to choose between what they believe to be the national interest, and any political future inside their party. The stakes could not be higher.

It should come as no surprise that Johnson is playing hardball, for two reasons.

First, any prime minister would struggle to accept a piece of legislation that binds their hands quite so comprehensively - even specifying the wording of the letter he must write to the EU27 to secure an article 50 extension.

Yes, MPs are dealing with weighty issues, in a hung parliament, against the backdrop of extraordinary political ferment. But Johnson could hardly claim to be in power if this legislation passed: MPs would have shown they have no confidence in him, even if no formal vote of no confidence had been tabled.

Second, the leavers' reading of Theresa May's premiership was that she tended to underestimate the determination of the Brexiters, and overestimate the willingness of the "rebels" - the ex-remainers - to cross the floor. Ultimately, they believe Dominic Grieve and his pals are the soft underbelly of the Tory party, and are likely to fold.

Boris Johnson secretly agreed to suspend parliament two weeks before denying it would happen, Downing St documents reveal | The Independent - 3 hrs ago |

Boris Johnson secretly agreed to suspend parliament in mid-August, explosive court documents reveal - nearly two weeks before denying the plan existed.

An email was sent to the prime minister and Dominic Cummings, his chief aide, entitled "Ending The Session", which says "we should prorogue" from 9 September.

It was revealed in Edinburgh's Court of Session, which is hearing a legal challenge to stop parliament being shut down for five weeks, preventing MPs making any further moves on the Brexit crisis.

Three days before the shock prorogation plan was announced last week, Downing Street strongly denied any such intention to send MPs home.

But the documents disclosed to the court include a hand-written note from Mr Johnson, dated 16 August, arguing "the whole September sessions is a rigmarole", dismissing its importance.

The prime minister's words read: "I don't see anything shocking about this decision" to prorogue. The word "yes" is also written on the document.

There was no immediate comment from Downing Street about the documents, which again shine the spotlight on the prime minister's honesty.

O'Neill: Internal document proves this was a decision of the PM, who refuses to swear an affidavit on what was the true reason for shutting Parliament. Document speaks of 'line to be taken' - essentially Gov defence is political spin,  not a legal defence.

— Michael Gray (@GrayInGlasgow) September 3, 2019

MPs back move to allow bill to block no-deal Brexit by majority of 27

MPs have backed the motion to allow a debate on a bill tomorrow that would prevent a no-deal Brexit on 31 October by 328 votes to 301 - a majority of 27.