Clerical Fascism in Poland 2015-2020: A Brief Case Study of Modern Fascism in Central Europe | 11 juli 2020 |
Basic women's rights and the LGTB community
Polish ruling party passes resolution condemning EU migrant relocation plan and announces referendum
Poland is trying to rewrite history with this controversial new holocaust law | The Conversation - Feb. 16, 2018 |
My diary ...
Poland, Holocaust and History Revisionism
Poland's "Russia" problem in Warsaw
Polish PM calls Putin's nuclear threat a bluff | May 10, 2022 |
Mateusz Morawiecki says the West cannot operate on basis that Russian threats of using nuclear weapons are serious
"Putin wants us to believe he will use tactical nuclear weapons, but it's a tool of blackmail, a game of chicken," Mateusz Morawiecki told the Warsaw Security Forum in Poland's capital.
"Putin believes the only way to win is to escalate the war. But the reality is different. We in this region know history very, very well and Russia only steps back when there is a counter-force standing in its way. This is why they are so fierce," he further said.
Morawiecki asserted that Putin's strategy was aimed at divide and conquer. "He wants us to be dealing with our own matters, inflation and energy. But we must accept the linkage between energy and inflation, and the war in Ukraine," he added.
The prime minister went on to say that threats from Russia were not only military.
"Some threats were completely underestimated, for example in the field of propaganda. We know this very well in the region, all too well. Also, a surprise for many, is energy, which is the most critical aspect of this war. Putin believes that using this as a weapon they will change the dynamics of the war."
Poland became member of NATO on conditions set by American and their "moral values".
Sending More NATO Weapons to Ukraine Is Dangerous
У России ядерного оружия больше, чем у стран НАТО ...
...они знают это и хотят, чтобы мы сократили его -- «ХРЕН ИМ», заявил президент РФ.
Putin called attempts to damage the Kremlin and attacks on the Belgorod region a provocation | TASS |
1. Атаки Киева по Кремлю, Белгородской и другим областям России попытками спровоцировать России на ответные мощные действия.
- Все ждут, что мы начнем кнопки нажимать, но мы этого делать не будем, военных успехов у Киева нет. Киев должен понимать, что в случае продолжающихся атак по России будет рассмотрен вопрос создания «санитарного кордона» на Украине.
- Если мы под Киевом уничтожили 5 комплексов Patriot, то что нам стоит уничтожить любое здание в центре Киева, но мы не делаем этого.
- Запад не захотел вести с Россией разговор, но они захотят, а мы уже посмотрим.
- Необходимости в применения ядерного оружия у России сейчас нет. Использование ядерного оружия теоретически возможно, если возникнет угроза существования РФ.
(с) Путин
1. Kyiv's attacks on the Kremlin, Belgorod and other regions of Russia with attempts to provoke Russia into powerful retaliatory actions.
- Everyone is waiting for us to start pressing buttons, but we will not do this, Kyiv has no military successes. Kyiv must understand that in the event of continued attacks on Russia, the issue of creating a "cordon sanitaire" in Ukraine will be considered.
- If we destroyed 5 Patriot complexes near Kiev, then we could destroy any building in the center of Kyiv, but we do not do this.
- The West did not want to have a conversation with Russia, but they will, and we'll see.
- Russia has no need to use nuclear weapons now. The use of nuclear weapons is theoretically possible if there is a threat to the existence of the Russian Federation.
(c) Putin
Putin warns NATO over being drawn into Ukraine war, says Russia has more nuclear weapons | CNN News |
Post invasion rhetoric nuclear weapons ...
Nuclear rhetoric and escalation management in Russia's war against Ukraine: A Chronology | SWP Berlin |
Critics of Polish government "systematically surveilled with spyware", finds EU report
A European Parliament inquiry has found "spyware abuses in several EU member states", including "systemic issues" in Poland and Hungary.
The committee said that in Poland, Israeli-made Pegasus spyware has been used as part of "a system for the surveillance of the opposition and critics of the government - designed to keep the ruling majority and the government in power".
Its final report, adopted this week, noted that "the scope for legal surveillance in Poland has been expanded to the near unlimited" and that "the information harvested with spyware is used in smear campaigns against government critics and opposition, through the government-controlled state media".
"Our inquiry has made it clear that spyware has been used to violate fundamental rights and endanger democracy in several EU member states, Poland and Hungary being the most blatant cases," said committee chair Jeroen Lenaers.
The Issue of NATO Enlargement in Polish - Russian Relations (final report for NATO Fellowship , 2000-2001
Prof. Dr Habil. Elzbieta Stadtmuller
University of Wroclaw
Institute of International Studies
The rapid changes which took place in Europe towards the end of the 20th century affected all areas of international relations. Constructing a new security system, however, was undoubtedly one of the most sensitive questions. The profundity and speed of the processes inevitably aroused anxiety among all members of international society, and a sense of instability was all-pervasive. The old order built on two ideologically and politically antagonistic blocs - although not accepted by most Europeans, and rejected in the end even by the Soviet Union - at least allowed allies and enemies to be clearly demarcated, and national goals and tasks of organisations to be defined. In the new Europe, emerging after 1989, most elements of that bipolar order came into question - the borders and territorial integrity of states, international relations, the role and aims of international organisations, as well as the internal political, social and economic order of many countries.
Simultaneously, fundamental processes on a global scale, stemming from the technological revolution and the development of the global economy, began to be seen as vital for all mankind, leading, as they did, to growing interdependence, to the increasing importance of global problems, and to the necessity for reforms in international organisations and foreign policy. The beginning of the ´90s brought, on the one hand, hope for truly peaceful relationships at last, if not on a global at least on a European scale. This raised the prospect of multidimensional co-operation in pursuit of the common values of democracy, human rights, and sustainable and more equal economic development. On the other hand, the new decade brought fear stemming from the unpredictability inherent in so sudden and so novel a reality.
This complicated situation embraced Poland as well, which could now enjoy its "fresh", full sovereignty and the possibility of an independent foreign policy, but was simultaneously challenged by fundamental questions - how to make its own borders safe against every threat, how to establish relationships with neighbours and other European countries that served the cause of stable development, how to be strengthened, not weakened, by the opportunities stemming from pro-democratic and pro-market reforms.
The relationships on the western and eastern borders were among the key issues because they were a crucial element of security (broadly understood). The relationship with Germany, one of the most difficult and painful problems in the past, was resolved beyond expectations. Poland became convinced that in a country, defined through the ages as "an eternal enemy", it now had an ally and a democratic, peaceful neighbour. At the same time it became possible to make a breakthrough in the most difficult field - human feelings; in spite of past tragedies, Polish society has accepted the idea of reconciliation and the policy of close co-operation with Germany.
The eastern border has definitely posed a more complicated challenge. Relationships with the Soviet Union, and from 1992 with Russia and other republics, were marked not only by painful memories about the past but above all by uncertainty about the present foreign policy and internal situation of these new states. Conversely, post-soviet countries had similar fears concerning their western neighbour. Poland was associated in the minds of Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarussia with expansion and oppression in the past, and potential (even if remote) threats in the future. Peoples from all these countries remember their collective wounds, though they do so from different perspectives. So, unquestionably, the fact that these fears and emotions have been replaced by dialogue (almost as quickly as in the case of Germany), and later by close co-operation, even called "strategic partnership" (in the case of Lithuania and Ukraine) , or at least "good neighbourhood" (Belarus), can be treated as a success.
